Re: Human origin of the doctrine of inerrancy?

From: Robert Schneider (rjschn39@bellsouth.net)
Date: Fri Mar 01 2002 - 10:25:30 EST

  • Next message: Adrian Teo: "RE: Human origins and doctrine"

    See my response to Bob DeHaan's suggestion below.

    Subject: Human origin of the doctrine of inerrancy?
    >
    > In a message dated 03/01/02 12:42:30 AM, PHSEELY@aol.com writes:
    >
    > << This is the heart of the Hydra.
    >
    > Where does the Bible teach that divine inspiration guarantees the
    inerrancy
    > of biblical history and science? I say it is a human tradition, not a
    > biblical
    > teaching. Let whoever will, show us from Scripture that this doctrine is
    > really biblical.
    >
    > Paul >>
    >
    > Paul, I am in agreement with you; but on the other hand, more needs to be
    > said than merely to declare, "I say it is a human tradition." Your
    challenge
    > works both ways, "Show from history that the doctrine of inerrancy is a
    human
    > tradition." Where did this doctrine originate? Where and when was it
    first
    > promulgated? Can the human origin of this doctrine be identified?
    Surely,
    > some church historian has written on this subject. Any suggestions?
    >
    > Thanks,
    >
    > Bob

    The question of the nature of biblical inspiration appears in the writings
    of the early churcht Fathers. Some argued for a "dictation" notion of
    inspiration, others that the inspired authors played a more active role in
    its composition. The issue arose in the context of translating the Bible.
    Jerome and his contemporaries, in analysing both the Septuagint and the Old
    Latin versions, had to address this question: should the rhetoric and
    grammar of the translation adhere as closely as possible to the original
    Hebrew of the OT and Greek of the NT--even to the point of preserving
    grammatical infelicities and "barbarous" language? Or should the
    translators used the language and style of their own time. Jerome and
    Augustine both were put off (to put it mildly) by the crude language of the
    Old Latin versions, Ciceronians that they were, and had to be converted to
    the value of the language of the OL to convey the truth of revelation. For
    an interesting study, see David Norton, _A History of the Bible as
    Literature: Vol. I. From Antiquity to 1700_, 1993, chaps. 1-5.

    While a multivalent notion about the truth of Scripture was common during
    the middle ages (the fourfold sense of Scripture being the dominant model of
    interpretation), the three spiritual modes of interpretation had the literal
    as their base. With the Reformation, and the conflicts over doctrine, the
    literal sense becomes the dominant, and the old doctrine of "verbal
    inspiration" re-emerged strongly, and played a part in the Galileo affair.
    By this time both Protestants and Catholics held to "the truth of biblical
    statements not only in maters of history, doctrine, and ethics, but also in
    cosmology and natural science." (_Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church_
    (p. 199-200). Gerald Bray has a brief account of this period in _Biblical
    Interpretation, Past and :Present_ (p. 195-197): "The use of the bible as an
    infallible textbook suited the theologians and jurists of the later
    sixteenth century, because it support their elaborate theological
    constructions. In their minds infalliblility could only mean total
    inerrancy; that is to say, there are no errors or discrepancies of any kind
    of any matter whatsoever, in the biblical text." Bray refers to"the Swiss
    Consensus Formula of 1675, where the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch and
    the infallibility of the Hebrew vowel points [!] received particular
    attention," but a reaction to this set in and a number of churchs and
    theologians, otherwise orthodox, refused to assent to the Consensus.

    Bob Schneider
    rjschn39@bellsouth.net



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