Science in Christian Perspective



The Proofs, Problems, and Promises of Biblical Archaeology
History Department
Miami University
Oxford, OH 45056

From: JASA 36 (September 1984): 129-138.

The value of archaeology in "proving" the Bible has some times been overpressed by popularizers, and on the other hand been denied by critics. A survey Of recent developments demonstrates that in some cases archaeology does confirm biblical passages which were questioned, but that in other cases it presents problems which are not easily resolved at present. In any case, the main contribution Of archaeology consists in providing us with the data to reconstruct the setting of the events in biblical history.

The first statement of faith we subscribe to as members of the American Scientific Affiliation declares, "The Holy Scriptures are the inspired Word of God, the only unerring guide of faith and conduct." In a brief and selective way I would like to survey how archaeology has affected our understanding of the Bible and its backgrounds.

I would not wish to characterize archaeology as a science," though in an increasing fashion-especially in New World archaeology-various scientific disciplines are being enlisted in excavations.1 These would include the use of radio carbon dating,2 the neutron analysis of pottery,3 osteological analysis,4 and dendrochronological studies5-to name only a few examples.

But to an even greater degree than in the hard sciences, archaeological conclusions depend upon the subjective interpretations of various factors including one's disposition toward the Scriptures as a source of historical data. For example, scholars disagree as to whether the destruction of Lachish III was caused by the Assyrian king Sermacherib in 701 or by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar in 597, a dif f erence of over a century!6

Moreover archaeological interpretations are constantly changing. Every season unearths new data. This is not only what is exciting but also what is frustrating about the study of archaeology.

Subjective factors which have affected archaeological interpretations include: 1) patriotism, 2) personalities, and 3) pietism. The early pioneers in Mesopotamia and Egypt strove to outdo their competitors in acquiring works of art for the British Museum or for the Louvre.7 Recently the Syrian authorities have been understandably upset that the media have stressed the importance of the Ebla texts for the background of Israelite rather than Syrian history.8

The archeology of the Holy Land has been dominated by towering figures such as Kathleen Kenyon,9 W. F. Albright, Nelson Glueek, G. Ernest Wright, etc.-with all of their strengths and their foibles.1o In some cases rather bitter rivalries have produced conflicting interpretations as in the notorious case of Yigael Yadin versus Yohanan Aharoni, two Israeli archaeologists.11

In recent years ultra-orthodox Jews have attempted to stop Yigal Shiloh's excavations in Jerusalem because they feared that the excavators were desecrating Jewish burials. 12 Native Americans have also protested such a "violation of sepulture."13

In spite of these distracting factors, no one can deny the extraordinary value of archaeology in illuminating ancient texts. Among the public at large the impression has been diffused that archaeology proves the Bible. That statement needs to be qualified. There have indeed been striking cases in which passages, questioned by higher critics such as J. Wellhausen, have been corroborated by excavations.14 This was already stressed in the late nineteenth century by A. H. Sayce.15

But we must also recognize that there are, in addition to proofs, certain problems which have been presented by archaeology in regard to the interpretation of the biblical texts. The communication (see pp. 139-141) by Richard L. Atkins notes some of these cases.16 Atkins assumes that the type of " wishful- thinking" interpretation of the archaeological data stems from the doctrine of inerrancy, which he depecates.16a Though this may be the case with some popularizers and preachers, his conclusions are unwarranted in the case of the members of the Near East Archaeology Society who sign the same statement of faith as the members of the Evangelical Theological Society.17 I would affirm the Scnptures do not err, but that our interpretations often need correction.

As examples of unwarranted attempts to "prove" the Bible Atkins cites: 1) the ark on Ararat, 2) Joshua's conquests. 3) Jesus' birth in a cave, 4) the site of Calvary-among others. William Dever of the University of Arizona has also been so embarrassed by such attempts to correlate the Bible and archaeology that he has urged the abandonment of the name "Biblical Archaeology" as unprofessional and proposes the

... To an even greater degree than in the hard sciences, archaeological conclusions depend upon the subjective interpretations of various factors including one's disposition toward the Scriptures as a source Of historical data.

more neutral term " Syro- Palestinian Archaeology."18 Dever was a student of G. Ernest Wright, whom he admires for his expertise in archaeology but whom he criticizes for his attempt to combine theology and archaeology.19 But even Dever agrees that archaeology can provide valuable back ground information.20

The Alleged "Ark" on Ararat

Although some conservative Christians have sought to "prove" the biblical account by a search for Noah's ark on Mount Ararat in eastern Turkey, other evangelical scholars are quite aware of the pitfalls of such an enterprise.21 In the first place, the location of the singular Mt. Ararat appears to be a relatively late development (9th cent. B.C.); the biblical text itself (Gen. 8:4) speaks of the "mountains" of Ararat. Ararat is cognate with ancient Urartu, which was originally located farther south between Lake Van in eastern Turkey and Lake Urmia in northwest Iran.22

In the second place the radio-carbon tests of the wood which has been recovered from the glacier on Mt. Ararat yield very late dates.22a. It is true that Berosos (3rd cent. B.C.) refers to a tradition that the ark was associated with Mt. Ararat,23 but this does not carry us back far enough.

As is well known there are striking parallels to the biblical

The presidential address delivered to the American Scientific Affiliation on August 5, 1983, at George Fox College, Newberg, Oregon. The text has been amplified and annotated. I shall refer especially to articles published in 1980-83, (see Notes for previous expositions of archaeology between 1972-80).

story in the Babylonian traditions.24 An evangelical scholar, Alan Millard, now at the University of Liverpool, while rummaging through some drawers at the British Museum recently discovered a major new Babylonian work, the Atrabasis Epic, which has both a creation and a flood story.25 As impressive as the similarities are, the contrasts are even starker-the Babylonian gods send the flood because mankind has become too numerous and too noisy. After the flood subsides they smell the sweet savor of the sacrifices and crowd around it like flies, as they have been deprived of sacrifices for a week.26

The Problems and Promises of Ebla

One of the most publicized of recent archaeological discoveries is the recovery of a palace and archives at Tell Mardikh-ancient Ebla-in northern Syria by the Italian archaeologist P. Matthiae .27 The excavations began in 1964 but the first of about 20,000 cuneiform tablets in a new Semitic language was not discovered until 1974.28 The site flourished at the end of the Early Bronze period about 2350 to 2250 B.C. This is earlier than the usual date assigned to Abraham.

G. Pettinato, the original epigrapher of the expedition, aroused great excitement when he informed D. N. Freedman, then editor of the Biblical Archaeologist, that the Ebla texts contained the first reference to Sodom and Gomorrah and the three other cities of the Plain (Gen. 14:1-2) found outside the Bible.29 If true, this would have required an earlier date for Abraham, inasmuch as Sodom and Gomorrah were never reoccupied. Indeed around the southeastern end of the Dead Sea five Early Bronze sites, which are being investigated by W. Rast and R. Schaub, have been suggested as candidates for these five cities of the Plain.30

Professional and personal differences led eventually to the resignation of Pettinato, who was replaced by A. Archi. With rather bitter invective Pettinato has questioned Archi's competence in Eblaite as his earlier specialty was Hittite. Archi in turn has challenged almost every important reading of the texts by Pettinato31 For example, Archi does not believe that Eblaite Si-da-ma ki and 1-ma-arki can represent Palestinian Sodom and Gomorrah because they appear in lists with Syrian cities. 32 Another point of contention is whether the ending -ya has anything to do with the divine name Yahweh.33 In any event, the thousands of texts in a Semitic language related to Hebrew promise a rich philological harvest.34

The Patriarchs

The positive evaluation of the patriarchal traditions by E. A. Speiser, C. H. Gordon, and W. F. Albright35 has been challenged by the recent revisionism of T. L. Thompson36 and J. Van Seters .37 They have in effect revived the Wellhausenian view that these narratives were not accurate representations of the second millennium B.C. but were anachronistic creations of the first millennium.

Though Thompson and Van Seters have made some valid criticisms of some of the parallels cited between the fifteenth-century B.C. Nuzi texts and the Bible, their own reconstructions are too radical to command wide assent. Other scholars have pointed out their one-sided and selected use of the evidence and the impossibility of the view that Abrahamic traditions were created only in the first millennium.38

Thompson cited for support of his view Y. Aharoni's interpretation of his excavations at Beersheba.39 Since he found nothing earlier than Iron Age materials associated with the site and its well, Aharoni concluded that the patriarchal narratives must date to the Iron Age (i.e. after 1200 B.C. ).40 But it is not certain that Iron Age Beersheba is necessarily the same as patriarchal Beersheba.41 There is no indication in the Old Testament that Beersheba in Abraham's time was a City.42

Moses and Monotheism

In his last book Sigmund Freud speculated that Hebrew monotheism really owed its genesis to an Egyptian named "Moses," influenced by the monotheism of Akhnaton (Amenhotep, IV). Though such an Egyptian influence was also suggested by Albright, this is a most unlikely scenario.43 For one thing the concept of the supreme god Yahweh was already maintained by the patriarchs.44

The Hebrews were, with the exception of the abortive monotheism of Akhnaton and the later monotheism of the Greek philosopher Xenophanes,45 unique in stressing the worship of a single god. The Hebrew language even lacks a

Edwin M. Yamauchi is Professor of History at Miami University in Oxford, Ohio. He has previously taught at Rutgers University. He has a BA from Shelton College and an MA and PhD from Brandeis University. He is author of numerous books and monographs and is a past president of the ASA.

word for "goddess."

New evidence has, however, now been found near a site identified with Kadesh-barnea in northeast Sinai,46 which has raised some questions about the purity of Hebrew monotheism. The excavator found some cartoon-like figures of Yahweh and "his Asherah." Asherah was the name of a Canaanite goddess associated with the fertility cult,47 and also of the wooden object which represented her.48 But as there is

Archaeological interpretations are constantly changing. Every season unearths new data. This is not only what is exciting but also what is frustrating about the study of archaeology.

evidence that the traders at Kuntilet 'Ajrud came from Samaria about 800 B.C., their graffiti are no more than evidence of the striking syncretism which the Old Testament itself ascribes to the area of the Northern Kingdom.

The Exodus

H. Goedicke, a distinguished Egyptologist with the Johns Hopkins University, made the front page of the New York Times by setting forth arguments for an early date of the Exodus in the reign of Hatshepsut, and by linking the phenomena of the parting of the Red Sea and the fiery pillar with the cataclysmic eruption of the volcanic island of Thera (Santorini) in the Aegean in the 15th cent. B.C.'49 His views have been sharply contested and do seem to be highly speculative.50

A more substantial contribution to the question of the Exodus is the important monograph by J. H. Bimson, Redating the Exodus and Conquest, which has called forth a flurry of reviews.51 In general, critics have responded favorably to his criticisms of the archaeological evidence used, for example, by Y. Yadin52 to support the late date of the Exodus and the Conquest .53 But they have also reacted unfavorably to Bimson's own attempt to correlate Middle Bronze (MB) sites with an early Conquest by Joshua.54

As I have pointed out elsewhere the view which places Joshua's conquest in the thirteenth century faces problems with the sites of Gibeon, Jericho, and Ai. As the modern village of El-Jib still rests on the tell of Gibeon and as J. Pritchard did find Late Bronze (LB) tombs there, the possibility remains that the LB settlement there is yet to be discovered. Because of massive erosion, K. Kenyon found very little LB remains at Jericho.55 Yadin suggests that MB walls were still being used in Joshua's day.56

As for the great mound of Et-Tell, usually identified with Ai, it is possible that some LB remains may yet lie within the 28-acre site.57 Others have found another site with LB materials called Nisyah, two kilometers east of Bireh, which they would identify with Ai.58 This would require the identification of Birch as ancient Bethel rather than Beitin.

One of the complicating uncertainties is the attempt to correlate the excavated sites with those named in the Old Testament. For example, though some scholars have identified Tell Deir 'AlKi in Jordan with biblical Succoth, H. Franken, the excavator, rejects this identification."59 Albright persisted in identifying Tell Beit Mirsim, which he excavated, as the site of Debir taken b-,- Caleb, though the tell called Khirbet Rabud, excavated by M. Kochavi now seems to be a better candidate.60

The judges

The Philistines were the most formidable foes of the Israelites during the days of the judges and the early part of the United Monarchy.61 The most dramatic archaeological discovery to illuminate Philistine culture is the excavation of a unique Philistine temple at Tel Qasile just north of Tel Aviv by Ami Mazar .62 Though very small, the temple with its two column bases corresponds to the plan of the Philistine temple pulled down by Samson at Gaza (judges 16:29)."63

An important ostracon dated to the 12th century B.C. was found in 1976 at lzbet Sartah near Tel Aviv. Though the 83 letters in five lines are faint and defy attempts at decipherment, what is clear is that in the last line we have an Abecedary, written from left to right.64 A. Demsky believes that the writer was an Israelite, and that this text lends strong support to the evidence for literacy attested in judges 8:14. Some critics had contended that the Israelites did not use writing for "formal literature" as early as the judges, in spite of strong inscriptional evidence to the contrarv.65 Commenting on the Izbet Sartah ostracon, S. H. Horn notes: "there can be no longer any doubt that fully developed alphabetic writing systems existed in the time of Moses, making it possible for him and his successors to write books in a script easy to learn."66

The United Monarchy

According to I Sam. 13:19-22 the Philistines at first retained a military advantage over the Israelites by their mastery of iron until they were defeated by Saul. New studies are shedding light on the development of iron metallurgy in biblical lands.67

David fled from the wrath of Saul to dwell among the Philistines at Ziklag, a site which is now being investigated.68 During her excavations in Jerusalem in 1961-68, K. Kenyon discovered a corner of the so-called "Jebusite" wall of the city which David captured.69 She found almost nothing, however, of the structures of David and of Solomon. Current excavations in the same area under Yigal Shiloh now claim to have discovered structures dating from this early period.70

The fabulous grandeur and wealth of Solomon seemed to be exaggerated to many crities.71 In recent studies A. Millard has pointed out that extra-biblical accounts of the wealth, especially evidence of gold-plated buildings and statues, lend credence to the biblical descriptions.72

Solomon obtained much of his wealth in trading ventures with King Hiram of Tyre, Classical scholars have questioned the traditions of the early penetration of the western Mediterranean by the Phoenicians, but Sernitists have been more sanguine. On the basis of the Nora Stone (9th cent. B.C.) from Sardinia, Albright had suggested that Solomon in partnership with Hiram was sendiDg ships to far off Spain in the 10th century.73 A recent article by F. M. Cross now dates a Nora

Among the public at large the impression has been diffused that archaeology proves the Bible. That statement needs to be qualified.

fragment on the basis of comparative epigraphy to the last century.74

When I was in Israel in 1968 1 took the tourist bus to view the so-called "Pillars of Solomon --impressive geological structures north of Eilat. I smiled within myself at the knowledge which the other tourists did not have that we were in an area of ancient copper mining activities as slag heaps were all around. Later I learned to my chagrin that Benno Rothenberg in 1969 discovered at the base of those pillars an Egyptian temple with inscriptions of the XlXth-XXth Dynasties dating from the 14th to the 12th centuries B.C. Rothenberg therefore maintained that these were earlier Egyptian mines and not Solomon's. 75 In a recent article Bimson argues that radio-carbon dates do indicate that the Timna mines were being utilized during Solomon's reign.76

The Divided Kingdoms

After Solomon's death ten of the northern tribes under Jeroboam I rebelled against Rehoboam, who was left with but Benjamin and Judah. According to 1 Kings 14:25-26 Shishak, the Egyptian pharaoh, took advantage of this dissension to attack Jerusalem and remove the treasures of the temple. Though this account has been questioned, a monumental stele of Shishak has been found at Megiddo. Furthermore we learn from Shishak's own reliefs and texts at Karnak in Egypt that he conquered not only Judah but areas in the Esdraelon Valley and Transjordan as well.77

Jeroboam I set up golden calves at Dan in the north and at Bethel just above Jerusalem. Extensive excavations at Dan by Avraham Biran have uncovered a well preserved arch and gate from the Canaanite period, as well as a sacred precinct, and an Israelite horned altar.78

The independence of the northern kingdom was gradually undermined by the expansion of the aggressive Assyrian Empire. Our earliest known synchronism falls in the reign of Ahab, the son of Omri,79 and of Shalmaneser III of Assyria. Ahab was part of an anti-Assyrian coalition which fought the Assyrians in the famous battle of Qarqar80 in Syria in 853 B.C., a battle which is not mentioned in the Old Testament. The famous Black Obelisk, which depicts the Israelite king Jehu, 81 comes from the end of the king's reign and is a poor historical source for the battle. Assyrian accounts of the battle progressively inflate the number of enemy casualties from 14,000 to 29,000; Assyrian casualties are hardly ever mentioried.

A text found at Tell er-Rimah in 1967 contains evidence that Adad-nirari 111 (810-783 B.C.) exacted tribute from Joash of Samaria (802-787 B.C.): Ya'a-su Sa-me-ri-na-a-a.82 Shortly after this the Assyrians were ruled by weak kings, a circumstance which allowed Jeroboam 11 (786-746 B.C.) of Israel to expand at the expense of Syria-a development which was prophesied by Jonah (2 Kings 14:25).

The book of Jonah has troubled many commentators. Even a recent evangelical commentary by Leslie C. Allen has concluded that it is best to regard Jonah as a parable rather than as a historical narrative.83 On the other hand, Donald J, Wiseman, Professor of Assyriology at the University of London, has recently examined the book of Jonah in the light of cuneiform sources and concludes:

It is submitted that this survey of some of the events which might lie behind the account of Jonah's visit to Nineveh supports the tradition that many features in the narrative exhibit an intimate and accurate knowledge of Assyria which could stem from an historical event as early as the eighth century B.C.84

Tiglath-pileser 111 (745-727 B.C.) was one of the greatest of all the Assyrian kings.85 He was also known as Pul (2 Kings 15:19; 1 Chron. 5:26), the name under which he ruled as king in Babylon. It was this king who devastated not only Damascus in 732 B.C. but also parts of Gilead and Galilee as well, deporting some of his prisoners to Mesopotamia. His campaigns are fully detailed in his inscriptions and can also be correlated with evidences of devastated Israelite cities from this time. He boasted that he placed Hoshea on the throne of Israel after the assassination of Pekah. The latter's name was found on a jar from the level at Hazor destroyed by the Assyrians

In 722 the great city of Samaria fell to the Assyrians (2 Kings 17:6, 18:10). Samaria had been the splendid capital of Ahab which had been adorned by Phoenician craftsmen brought south by his wife Jezebel. In the debris, excavators found richly decorated ivory fragments, which illustrate the ostentatious luxury denounced by the prophets.86

The Bible is correct in crediting the siege to Shalmaneser V, though his successor Sargon 11 claimed credit for the capture of the city.87 Sargon boasted that he carried off 27,290 (or 27,280) persons from Israel, replacing them with various other peoples from Mesopotamia and Syria, who eventually intermarried with the natives to form the hybrid Samaritan population.

Sargon's armies conducted four campaigns in 720, 716, 713, and 712 to secure the Philistine coast. The invasion of 712 led by Sargon's general, mentioned in Isaiah 20:1, is confirmed by a fragment of an Assyrian stele discovered in 1963 at Ashdod.88

In 701 Sermacherib attacked Judah, capturing the southern city of Lachish though failing to take Jerusalem. This can be coordinated with the biblical account of the miraculous deliverance of Jerusalem under the courageous defiance of Hezekiah (2 Kings 18-19; Isaiah 36-37). As I mentioned

Numerous tombs in Jerusalem and elsewhere can illustrate for us the kind of tomb in which Jesus  was buried. But only faith can convince us of the reality of the resurrection!

earlier one of the most controversial issues dividing archaeologists is the dating of the destruction of Lachish 111. Was it the work of Sermacherib in 701 or of Nebuchadnezzar a century later? Recent excavations at Lachish under D. Ussishkin seem to have shifted the balance in favor of the Assyrian date.89

In spite of some doubts which have been raised as to the identification of Tell ed-Duweir with Lachisb,90 the Assyrian texts and reliefs can aid us in a clear understanding of this siege.91 A new inscription of a letter of Sermacberib to his god Anshar was published in 1974 by N. Na'aman. This reveals that Sermacherib captured Azekah and Gath and then took Lachish (cf. Micah 1:10-17), before advancing upon Jerusalem.92

The Assyrians were to be overthrown at the end of the 7th century by a coalition of Medes93 and Chaldeans.94 The latter were led by Nabopolassar, 95 the father of the great king Nebuchadnezzar, who is mentioned almost a hundred times in the Old Testament.96 The Chaldean Chronicles published by D. J. Wiseman in 1956 have shed welcome light on the early years of Nebuchadnezzar. It was in his first year that NebuchadDezzar's forces took away such captives as Daniel.97

As to the Greek words in the book of Daniel, which have been used to date Daniel in the Maccabean era c. 165 B.C., it is essential to note that the Greeks penetrated the Near East long before Alexander.98 Greek mercenaries fought both for and against Nebuchadnezzar. The argument from the close correspondence of Daniel 11 with events of the Maccabean era to sustain a late date is a highly subjective one.99 Those who do not believe in predictive prophecy of such precision will regard Daniel as a vaticinium ex eventu, "a prophecy after the event."

Space does not permit me in this article to discuss the numerous archaeological finds which have illuminated for us the books of Esther,100 of Ezra,101 and of Neherniah102 from the Post-Exilic era.


Let me discuss some recent developments with respect to the Dead Sea Scrolls found at Qumran since 1947.103 With the Israeli seizure of the West Bank in 1967, Yigael Yadin was able to acquire the "Temple Scroll," which had been kept under abominable conditions. Its length of some eight meters surpasses even the great Isaiah scroll.

In 1977 Yadin published a three-volume work on the scroll.104 Though as yet no English edition or translation of the entire work is available, a German translation has appeared,105 and numerous articles on the text have appeared in English.106 The text is presented as the words of Yahweh. The Temple Scroll sets forth numerous and detailed injunctions. It ordains strict monogamy for the king (col. 56:12f.). It sets forth plans for the placement of the toilets outside the city and lays down a blueprint for the erection of a new temple. It forbids the entrance of any diseased or blind person into the Temple City.107 What a striking contrast to the attitude of Jesus!"108

In 1972 a famed papyrologist, Jose' O'Callaghan, identified certain Greek fragments from Cave 7 at Qumran as the earliest manuscripts of the New Testament. O'Callaghan is the founder of Studia Papyrologica, head of the department of papyrology at the theological seminary in Barcelona, and also professor of Greek papyrology at the Pontificial Biblical Institute in Rome. In the case of 7Q5, O'Callaghan identified this piece with Mark 6:52-53 and dated it to A.D. 50. This sounded almost too good to be true.109 Since his initial studies made from photographs, O'Callaghan has studied the papyri themselves firsthand and also infra-red photos of the papyri, and has continued to maintain his identifications.

Unfortunately with few exceptions, almost all scholars who have examined his arguments, including some who have been able to study the fragments themselves, believe that O'Callaghan's arguments cannot be sustained. More plausible is their identification as parts of the Septuagint, the Greek translation of the Old Testament. In most cases the fragments are too tiny to warrant any degree of confident identification."110

Recently some Greek biblical manuscripts, which appear to be a part of the great Sinaiticus manuscript which Tischendorf discovered, have been found in a back room at the Monastery of St. Catherine's in the Sinai. Full details have as yet not been revealed, but the notices are tantalizing."111

Jesus Christ

The tradition that Jesus was born in a cave is a relatively old one, going back to Justin Martyr of Samaria in the second century."112 Helena, the mother of Constantine, built a basilica there. Investigations in the present Church of the Holy Nativity have revealed mosaics which may go back to this structure. Jerome, the translator of the Vulgate, was inspired to make his home next to the alleged Cave of the Nativity in 385.

At the time when a popular movie about the search for the lost ark (of the temple) was being shown, Eric and Carol Meyers received great media attention for their discovery of an "ark" from a synagogue in Galilee."113 Their "ark" is quite different, however. It is an architectural decoration from a late synagogue. Unfortunately, with the exception of the synagogue at Masada114 and a few others, almost all of the remains of synagogues in Israel come from the Byzantine period and not from the New Testament era."115

This seems to be the case with the celebrated synagogue at Capernaum. The possibility remains that the synagogue of Jesus' day may lie covered under the present remains which have been left in situ. Under the octagonal structure between the synagogue and the Sea of Galilee exciting discoveries have been made by V. Corbo since 1968. He discovered that the octagon was a basilica of the fifth century. Beneath that he found evidence of a house church with graffiti which mention Peter. The first-century level was a fisherman's house, which was transformed into a church. Not only is this the earliest structure which can be identified as a church, but it is plausible to believe that this was Peter's own house!"116

Recent excavations have clarified the numerous constructions of Herod the Great, including his work in Jerusalem."117 We now have a better idea of the walls and of the streets of Jerusalem in Jesus' day."118 Investigations by B. Mazar have succeeded in giving us a clear understanding of the temple platform and of some of the decorations which came crashing down when Titus destroyed the temple in 70.119 Debate over the exact location of the temple on the platform continues, however. "120

The harsh reality of crucifixion's brutality121 has been brought home to us by the discovery in 1968 of ossuaries at Giv'at ha-Mivtar just north of Jerusalem."122 Among the bones of thirty-five individuals, there is evidence that nine died from violent causes, including a child who was shot with an arrow, a young man who was burned upon a rack, and an old woman whose skull was bashed in. Of the greatest interest is one ossuary which provides us for the first time with physical evidence of crucifixion. It is the ossuary of a Yehohanan, who was a young man between the ages of twenty-four and twenty-eight. He was crucified at some time early in the first century A.D.

Yehohanan's calcanei (heel bones) were still transfixed by a four and a half inch iron nail, which had been bent as it was pounded into a cross of olive wood. The right tibia (shin bone) had been fractured into slivers by a blow, the "coup de grace" which was administered to hasten death (cf. John 19:32). The crease in the right radial bone indicates that the victim had been pinioned in the forearms rather than in the hands as in the traditional depictions of Christ's crucifixion. The Greek word cheiras in Luke 24:39-40 and John 20:20, 25, 27, usually translated "hands," can and should be translated "arms" in these passages.


Numerous tombs in Jerusalem and elsewhere can illustrate for us the kind of tomb in which Jesus was buried. 124 But only faith can convince us of the reality of the resurrection! 125

Archaeology in some striking cases does present us with proofs of the validity of passages which have been questioned. In other cases it is not to be denied that there are still problems which cannot be currently resolved in reconciling the archaeological data with the biblical text. But here we need to be aware of the fallacy of arguing from silence.126 There is no question but that we have but scratched the surface. There are almost limitless promises of new data and texts available to future generations.

When I think of the function of archaeology, I am reminded of the three elements which make opera so enjoyable for me: I) the lyrics, 2) the music, and 3) the sets and costumes. Scriptures correspond to the lyrics, faith creates the music, and archaeology provides the setting. We can understand the text by itself, or the music by itself, but how much richer is our enjoyment with the provision of the sets and costumes. just so archaeology can provide us with the reality which help us recreate in our minds' eye the original settings of the Scriptures.


AJA American Journal of Archaeology
Arch Archaeology
BA Biblical Archaeologist
BAR Biblical Archaeology Review
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BS Bibliotheca Sacra
CT Christianity Today
GB Greece and Babylon (1967)
HTR Harvard Theological Review
IDBA International Dictionary of Biblical Archaeology
IEJ Israel Exploration journal
ISBE International Standard Bible Encylopedia (rev. ed.)
JAOS journal of the American Oriental Society
JASA Journal of the American Scientific Affiliation
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
NEASB Near East Archaeological Society Bulletin
PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly
SA The Scriptures and Archaeology (1980)
SS The Stones and the Scriptures (1972; 1981 repr.)
TB Tyndale Bulletin
WTJ Westminster Theological journal

This article refers especially to articles published in 1980-83, as I have earlier published the following expositions of archaeology between 1972-80: The Stones and the Scriptures (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1972; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1981), hereafter SS; "A Decade and a Half of Archaeology in Israel and in Jordan," Journal of the American Academy of Religion, 42.4 (1974), 710-26; "Documents from Old Testament Times: A Survey of Recent Discoveries," WTJ, 41.1 (1978), 1-32; "Archaeology and the New Testament," The Expositor's Bible Commentary, ed. F. E. Gaebelein (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1979), 1, pp. 645-69; with D. J. Wiseman, Archaeology and the Bible (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1979); "Archaeology and the Scriptures," The Seminary Review, 25.4 (1979), 163-241; The Scriptures and Archaeology (Portland: Western Conservative Baptist Seminary, 1980), hereafter SA. Where no author is listed the reference is to one of my own writings.

1D.P. Williams, "As a Discipline Comes of Age: Reflections on Archaeology and the Scientific Method," Arch, 29.4 (1976), 229-31; J. Pouilloux, "Archaeology Today," AJA, 84.3 (1980),311-12; C. Renfrew, "The Great Tradition versus the Great Divide: Archaeology as Anthropology?" AJA, 84.3 (1980), 287-98; J.A. Sabloff, "When the Rhetoric Fades: A Brief Appraisal of Intellectual Trends in American Archaeology During the Past Two Decades," BASOR, 242 (1981), 1-6.

2 Problems of Radiocarbon Dating and of Cultural Diffusion in Pre-History," JASA, 27.1 (1975), 25-31. Cf. M.G.L. Baillie, Tree-Ring Dating and Archaeology (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1982).

3One of my former students, Professor Michal Artzy of the University of Haifa, has become one of the leading scholars in this field. See for example: M. Artzy, 1. Perlman, and F. Asaro, "Cypriote Pottery Imports at Ras Shamra," IEJ, 31.1-2 (1981), 37-4T

4J.K. Eakins, "Human Osteology and Archaeology," BA, 43.2 (1980), 89-96; K.A.R. Kennedy, "Skeletal Biology: When Bones Tell Tales," Arch, 34.1 (1981), 17-24.

5N. Liphschitz and Y. Waisel, "Dendroarchaeological Investigations in Israel (Taanach)," IEJ, 30.1-2 (1980), 132-36; N. Liphschitz, S. Lev-Yadun, and Y. Waisel, -Dendroarchaeological Investigations in Israel (Masada)," IEJ, 31.3-4 (1981), 230-34. Cf. G. Edelstein and M. Kislev, "Mevasseret Yerushalayim: Ancient Terrace Farming," BA, 44.1 (1981), 53-56.

6This problem will be addressed later in the article.

7J,E. Barrett, "Piety and Patriotism-Secularism and Skepticism," BAR, 7.1 (1981), 54-55; N.A. Silberman, Diggingfor God and Country (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982).

8A. Mikava, "The Politics of Ebla," BAR, 4.3 (1978), 2-7; H. Shanks, "Syria Tries to Influence Ebla Scholarship,--- BAR, 5.2 (1979), 36-37; C. Bermant and M. Weitzman, Ebla: An Archaeological Enigma (London: Weidenfeld & Nwolson, 1979).

9Cf. P. R. S. Moorey, "Prominent British Scholar Assesses Kathleen Kenyon," BAR, 7.1 (1981), 46-48.

10In the decade from 1970-80 many leading archaeologists passed away: in 1970: Paul Lapp; in 1971: W.F. Albright, N. Glueek, R. de Vaux; in 1974: G. Ernest Wright; in 1976: Y. Aharom; in 1978: J.L. Kelso and M. Mallowan; in 1979: G.L. Harding; and in 1980: M. Burrows. See SA, pp. 1, 9.

11This rivalry has been brought out into the open in a series of articles in BAR. Even after Aharom's death, the fetid is continued by his wife and by his friend A.F. Rainev. See BASOR, 225 (1977), 67-68; BAR 3 (1977), 3-4;BAR, 6 (1980), 1.

12H. Shanks, "Politics in the Cityof David,"
BAR, 7.6 (1981), 40-44.

13V.A. Talmage, "The Violation of Sepulture: Is It Legal to Excavate Human Burials?" Arch 35.6 (1982), 44-49.

14Likewise, the tendency of archaeology to confirm classical traditions against the criticisms of sceptical scholars may be seen in: Composition and Corroboration in Classical and Biblical Studies (Philadelphia: Presbyterian & Reformed Pub., 1966); "Homer, History, and Archaeology," NEASB, 3 (1973), 21-42; "The Archaeological Confirmation of Suspect Elements in the Classical and the Biblical Traditions," The Law and the Prophets (O.T. Allis Festschrift), ed. J. Skilton et al. (Nutley, NJ: Presbyterian & Reformed Pub., 1974), pp. 54-70.

15A.H. Sayce, Fresh Light from the Ancient Monuments (1883); idem, The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments (1893); idem, Monument Facts and Higher Critical Fancies (1904). Sayce began as a higher critic and was rejected for Posey's chair at Oxford as deemed too liberal by Gladstone. It is an irotiy that, after the discovery of the Tell Amarna tablets in Egypt, Sayce became an opponent of higher criticism, whereas Pusey's successor, S.B. Driver, became a proponent of such criticism. See B.Z. MacHaffie, "Monument Facts and Higher Critical Fancies," Church History, 50.3 (1981), 316-28.

16R.L. Atkins, "Extravagant Claims in Bible Archaeology," (in this issue). For a book which stresses the disharmonies, see my review oi M. Magnusson's Archaeology of the Bible in Fides et Historia, 12.2 (1980), 150-52.

17For a work which advocates a doctrine of "infallibility" rather than .. inerrancy," see J. Rogers and D. McKim, The Authority and Interpreta tion of the Bible (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1979). For a response from an inerrantist position, see J.D. Woodbridge, Biblical Authority (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1982).

18The NEAS includes such careful and competent scholars as Harold Mare of Covenant Theological Seminary, Bastiaan Van Elderen of Calvin Theological Seminary, Keith Schoville of the University of Wisconsin, Robert Cooley of Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, etc. John D. Davis of Grace Theological Seminary in his article, "Archaeology and Apologetics," Spire, 11.4 (1983), 7-9, as an inerrantist deplores the abuse of archaeology in popular apologetics.

19W.G. Dever, "Archaeological Method in Israel: A Continuing Revolution," BA, 43.1 (1980), 40-48; idem,
 18Should the Term 'Biblical Archaeology' Be Abandoned?" BAR, 7.3 (1981), 54-57.

19W.G. Dever, "Biblical Theology and Biblical Archaeology: An Appreciation of G. Ernest Wright," HTR, 73.1-2 (1980), 1-15.

20W.G. Dever, "What Archaeology Can CODtribute to an Understanding Of the Bible," BAR, 7.5 (1981), 40-41. Cf. J.M. Miller, "Approaches to the Bible through History and Archaeology," BA, 45.4 (1982), 211-16.

21Critical Comments on the Search for Noah's Ark," NEASB, 10 (1977), 5-27; "Is That an Ark on Ararat?" Eternity, 28 (Feb., 1978), 27-32.

22See "Urartu," in The New International Dictionary of Biblical Archaeology (hereafter IDBA), ed E.M. Blaildock and R.K. Harrison (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1983) pp. 463-65. Foes from the Northern Frontier (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1982), ch. 2.

22aL.R. Bailey, "Wood from 'Mount Ararat': Noah's Ark?" BA, 40.4 (1977), 137-46; idem, Where Is Noah's Ark? (Nashville: Abingdon, 1978).

23G. Komoroczy, "Berosos and the Mesopotamian Literature," Acta Antiqua, 21 (1973),125-52.

24See A. Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1949).

25W.G. Lambert and A.R. Millard, Atrahasis: The Babylonian Story of the Flood (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969).

26" Anthropomorphism in Ancient Religions," BS, 125 (1968), 29-44.

27See "Unearthing Ebla's Ancient Secrets," CT, 25 (May 8, 1981), 18-21; P. Matthiae, An Empire Rediscovered (Garden City: Doubleday, 1980). See also P.C. Maloney, "Assessing Ebla," BAR, 4.1 (1978), 4-11; idem, "The Raw Material," BAR, 6.3 (1980), 57-59; R. Biggs, "The Ebla Tablets: An Interim Perspective," BA, 43.2 (1980), 76-88.

28G. Pettinato, The Archives of Ebla (Garden City: Doubleday, 1981), emphasizes Eblaite's western affinities. 1. Gelb, Thoughts about Ibla (Malibu: Undena, 1977), stresses Eblaite's eastern affinities. Cf. C. H. Gordon, "Eblaite and Its Affinities," Festschrift for Oswald Szemerkyi on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1975), pp. 297-301.

29D.N. Freedman, "The Real Story of the Ebla Tablets, Ebla and the Cities of the Plain," BA, 41.4 (1978), 143-64; H. Shanks, "Interview with D.N. Freedman," BAR, 6.3 (1980), 51-54.

30W.E. Bast and R.T. Schaub, "Preliminary Report of the 1979 Expedition to the Dead Sea Plain, Jordan," BASOR, 240 (1980), 21-62; H. Shanks, "Have Sodom and Gomorrah Been Found?" BAR, 6.5 (1980), 16-37; W.C. Hattem, "Once Again: Sodom and Gomorrah," BA, 44.2 (1981), 87-92. But note the scepticism of J.A. Sauer, "Svro- Palestinian Archaeology, History, and Biblical Studies," BA, 45.4 (198i), 201-209, especially 207.

31 Pettinato, " 'Declaration' on Ebla," BAR, 5.2 (1979), 39-47; idem, and the Bible," BA, 43.4 (1980), 203-16; idem, -EbIa and the BibleObservations on the New Epigrapher's Analysis," BAR, 6.6 (1980), 38-41; H. Shanks, "BAR Interviews Giovanni Pettinato, " BAR, 6.5 (1980), 46-53. For A. Archi's responses to Pettinato, see: A. Archi, "The Epigraphic Evidence from Ebla and the Old Testament," Biblica, 60 (1979), 556-66; idem, "New Ebla Epigrapher Attacks Conclusions of Ousted Scholar," BAR, 6.3 (1980), 55-56; idem, "Archi Responds to Pettinato," BAR, 6.6 (1980), 42-43; idem, "Further Concerning Ebla and the Bible," BA, 44.3 (1981), 145-54.

32H. Shanks, -Ebla Evidence Evaporates," BAR, 5.6 (1979), 52-53; A. Archi, "Are the 'Cities of the Plain' Mentioned in the Ebla Tablets?" BAR, 7.6 (1981), 54-55; idem, "Notes on Eblaite Geography 11," Studi Eblaiti, 4 (1981), 1-18.

33M. Dahood, "The God Ya at Ebla?" JBL, 100A (1981),607-608; H.-P. Willer, "Gab es in Ebla emen Gottesnamen Ja?" Zeitschrift ffir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, 70.1 (1981), 70-92.

34See M. Dahood's Appendix in Pettinato's book (n. 28); also M. Dahood. Ugarit and the Old Testament," Bible and Spade, 8.1 (1979), 1-15; idem, "Are the Ebla Tablets Relevant to Biblical Research?" BAR, 6.5 (1980), 54-58, 60; D.N. Freedman, "The Tell Mardikh Excavation, the Ebla Tablets, and Their Significance for Biblical Studies," NEASB, 13 (1979), 5-35.

35See SS, pp. 36-46; "Patriarchal Age," Wycliffe Bible Encyclopedia, ed. C.F. Pfeiffer, H.F. Vos, and J. Rea (Chicago: Moody Press, 1975), pp. 1287-91; SA, pp. 1-3.

36The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives (Berlin: W, de Gruyter, 1974).

37Abraham in History and Tradition (New Haven: Yale University, 1975).

38See SA, pp. 3-6, 10. For a positive presentation of Abraham in a second millennium setting, see D.J. Wiseman, "Abraham in History and Tradition, - BS, 134 (1977), 123-30, 228-37.

39Y. Aharom, "Nothing Early and Nothing Late," BA, 39 (1976), 55-76.

40Z. Herzog, "Beer-sheba of the Patriarchs," BAR, 6.6 (1980), 12-28.

41 Fowler, "The Excavation of Tell Beer-sheba and the Biblical Record," PEQ, 113 (1981), 7-11,

42 Sarna, "Abraham in History," BAR, 3 (1977), 9.

43SS, p. 165; SA, p. 13; S. Herrmann, Israel in Egypt (London: SCM Press, 1973), p. 22.

44W.F, Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan (Garden City: Doubleday, 1968); F.M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1973).

45Whether or not Zoroaster preached the monotheistic worship of Ahura-Mazda is complicated by our late Zoroastrian sources. See the ch. on Iranian Evidences in Pre-Christian Gnosticism (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1973; Grand Rapids: Baker, rev, ed., 1983).

46R. Cohen, "The Excavations at Kadesh-barnea (1976-78)," BA, 44.2 (1981), 93-107; idem, "Did I Excavate Kadesh-Barnea?" BAR, 7.3 (1981), 20-33; Z. Meshel, "An Explanation of the journeys of the Israelites in the Wilderness," BA, 45.1 (1982), 19-20.

47Cultic Prostitution-A Case Study in Cultural Diffusion," Orient and Occident, e d. H.A. Hoffner (Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker, 1973), pp. 213-22.

48Z. Meshel, "Did Yahweh Have a Consort?" BAR, 5.2 (1979), 24-36; J.A. Emerton, "New Light on Israelite Religion: The Implications of the Inscriptions from Kuntillet 'Airud," Zeitschrift fi!r die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, 94 (1982), 2-20. Such syncretism was also found among the Jews at Elephantine in the fifth cent. B.C. See B, Porten, Archives from Elephantine (Berkeley: University of California, 1968).

49H. Shanks, "The Exodus and the Crossing of the Red Sea according to Hans Goedicke," BAR, 7.5 (1981), 42-50; C.R. Krahmalkov, "A Critique of Professor Goedicke's Exodus Theories," BAR, 7.5 (1981), 51-54; H. Shanks, "in Defense of Hans Guedicke," BAR, 8.3 (1982), 48-53; Y.T. Radday, "A Bible Scholar Looks at BAR's Coverage of the Exodus," BAR, 8.6 (1982), 68-71.

50For one thing Goedicke's reconstruction requires a northern route. Though some Israeli scholars, e.g. B. Rothenberg, "An Archaeological Survey of South Sinai," PEQ, 101 (1970), 4-29, have come to favor a central route, most scholars still favor a southern route: see D.M. Beegle, Moses, The Servant of Yahweh (Grand Rapi& Eerdmans, 1972; Ann Arbor: Pryor Pettengill, 1979 repr.), pp. 170-173; S.H. Horn, "What We Don't Know about Moses and the Exodus," BAR, 3 (1977), 29; G.I. Davies, "The Significance of Deuteronomy 1.2 for the Location of Mount Horeb," PEQ, 111 (1979), 87-101.

51Bimson's monograph, which was part of his dissertation, was published by the Journalfor the Study of the Old Testament at Sheffield in 1978. Cf. E.H. Merrill, "Palestinian Archaeology and the Date of the Conquest," Grace Theological J ., 3.1 (1982), 107-21.

52Y. Yadin, Hazor (New York: Random House, 1975); idem, "The Transition from a Semi-Nomadic to a Sedentary Society," Symposia . . ., ed. F.M. Cross (Cambridge: American Schools of Oriental Research, 1979), pp. 57-68; idem, "is the Biblical Account of the Israelite Conquest of Canaan Historically Reliable?" BAR, 8.2 (1982), 16-23,

53SS, pp. 46-64; SA, pp. 15-17, 22.

54See for example reviews by H. Engel in Biblica, 61 .3 (1980), 437-40; by A. F. Rainey in IEJ, 30.3-4 (1980), 249-51; by J.A. Soggin in Veins Testamen turn, 31 (1981). 98-99,

55SS, pp. 57-58; SA, pp. 16, 22.

56H. Shanks, "BAR Interviews Yigael Yadin," BAR, 9.1 (1983), 16-23,

57SS, pp. 57, 60. Cf. L. Allen, "Archaeology of Ai and the Accuracy of Joshua 7:1-8:29," Restoration Quarterly, 20 (1977), 41-52,

58 Fields, "Have We Found Ai?- offprint published by the author, Joplin, MO: Ozark Bible College, 1981.

59H. Franken, "The Identity of Tell Deir'Alld, Jordan," Akkadica, 14 (1979), 11-15.

60M. Kochavi's excavations of the site in 1968-69 are reported in Tel Aviv, 1 (1974), 2-33.

61See Greece and Babylon, hereafter GB (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1967); "Archaeological Evidence for the Philistines," WTJ, 35.3 (1973), 315-23,

62A. Mazar, "A Philistine Temple at Tell Qasile, " BA, 36 (1973), 42-48.

63Timnah, where Samson obtained his first Philistine wife (judges 14:1), has been identified with Tel Batash, which is being excavated under the direction of George Kelm and A. Mazar. A clay bulla is the first evidence that the Philistines wrote on papyri. R.D. Kaplan, "Looking at Some Recent Excavations," Christian News from Israel, 27 (1979), 19-20.

64M. Kochavi, "An Ostracon of the Period of the judges from'lzbet Sartah," Tel Aviv, 4 (1977), 1-14; M. Kochavi and A. Dernsky, "An Israelite Village from Days of the judges," BAR, 4 (1978), 19-31.

65Documents from Old Testament Times," WTJ, 41.1 (1978), 1-32; A.R. Millard, "The Practice of Writing in Ancient Israel," BA, 35 (1972), 98-111; cf. idem, "In Praise of Ancient Scribes," BA, 45.3 (1982), 143-53; F.M. Cross, "Newly Found Inscriptions in Old Canaanite and Early Phoenician Scripts," BASOR, 238 (1980), 1-20. The Phoenician alphabet may have been transmitted to the Greeks at a much earlier date than the Sth cent. B.C. See J. Naveh, "The Greek Alphabet: New Evidence," BA, 43.1 (1980), 22-25; see SA, p. 32, D. 26.

66S. H. Horn, Biblical Archaeology after 30 Years (1948-1978) (Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University, 1978), p. 10.

67T. Stech-Wheeler, J.D. Muhly, K.R. Maxwell-Hyslop, & R. Maddin, "Iron at Taanach and Early Iron Metallurgy in the Eastern Mediterranean," AJA, 85.3 (1981), 245-68; cf. J.D. Muhly, "Bronze Figurines and Near Eastern Metalwork," IEJ, 30.3-4 (1980), 148-61.

68 E.D. Oren, "Ziklag: A Biblical City on the Edge of the Negev," BA 45.3 1982, 155-57.

69"Jebusites," IDBA pp. 256-57; K. Kenyon, Jerusalem, Excavating 3,000 Years of History (London: Thames and Hudson, 1967).

70 Shiloh, -Excavating Jerusalem: The City of David," Arch, 33.6 (1980), 8-17; idem, "The City of David Archaeological Project: The Third Season, 1980, " B A, 44.3 (1981), 161-70,

71"Solomon," IDBA pp. 419-22; SS, pp, 67-71

72A.R. Millard, "Archaeology and Ancient Israel," Faith and Thought, 108.1-2 (1981), 58-59; idem, "Solomon in All His Glory," Vox Evangelica, 12 (1981), 5-18.

73W.F. Albright, "The Role of the Canaanites in the History of Civilization," The Bible and the Ancient Near East, ed, G.E. Wright (Garden City: Doubleday, 1961), pp, 343-51.

74F.M. Cross, "Early Alphabetic Scripts," in Cross, Symposia (n. 52), pp. 103-19.

75B. Rothenberg, Timna (London: Thames and Hudson, 1972).

76J.J. Bimson, "King Solomon's Mines?: A Re-assessment of Finds in the Arabah," TB, 32 (1981), 145-46.

77'Shishak," IDBA pp. 412-13; SS, p. 71; K.A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period (WestrniDster: Aris & Phillips, 1973).

78A. Biran, "An Israelite Horned Altar at Dan," BA, 37.4 (1974), 106-107; idem, "Tell Dan-Five Years Later," BA, 43.3 (1980), 168-82; idem, "Two Discoveries at Tel Dan," IEJ, 30.1-2 (1980), 89-98; J.C.H. Laughfir), "The Remarkable Discoveries at Tel Dan," BAR, 7 .5 (1981), 20-37; L.E. Stager and S.R. Wolff, "Production and Commerce in Temple Courtyards: An Olive Press in the Sacred Precinct at Tel Dan," BASOR, 243 (1981), 95-102.

791t was Omri who moved his capital to Samaria from Tirzah. For a reexamination of R. de Vaux's interpretations of his excavations at Tirzah, see M.D. Fowler, "Cultic Continuity at Tirzah?: A Re-examination of the Archaeological Evidence," PEQ, 113 (1981), 27-32.

80Qarqar," IDBA pp. 375-77; SS, p. 72; SA, pp. 36-37.

81See SS, fig. 6 on p. 53.

82SA, p. 37; W.H. Shea, "Adad-Nirari III and Jehoash of Israel," Journal of Cuneiform Studies, 30 .2 (1978), 101-13.

83L.C. Allen, The Books of Joel, Obadiah, Jonah and Micah (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1976), pp. 77-81.

84D.J. Wiseman, "Jonah's Nineveh," TB, 30 (1979), 38-39.

85Tiglath-pileser III,- IDBA pp. 451-53; SA, pp. 37-38.

86'Palaces," ISBE (forthcoming); SS, fig 5., p. 51, Numerous ostraca were also found at Samaria, whose interpretation has been the subject of controversy. See A.F. Rainev, "The Sitz irn Leben of the Samaria Ostraca," Tel Aviv, 6.1-2 (1979), 9i-94; idem, "WiDe from the Royal Vineyards," BASOR, 245 (1982), 57-62; IT. Kaufman, "The Samaria Ostraca," BA, 45.4 (1982), 229-39.

87SS, pp, 74-75, SA, pp. 38-39.

88G.L. Mattingly, "An Archaeological Analysis of Sargon's 712 Campaign against Ashd.d,- NEASB, 17 (1981), 47-64; cf. idem, "Neo-Assyrian Influence at Tell Jernmeh," NEASB, 15 -16 (1980), 33-49.

89SA, pp, 40, 46; D. Ussishkin, "Answers at Lachish," BAR, 5.6 (1979), 16-39; W.H. Shea, "Nebuchadnezzar's Chronicle and the Date of the Destruction of Lachish III,- PEQ, 111 (1979), 113-16.

90G.W. Aldstr6m, "Is Tell Ed-Duweir Ancient Lachish?" PEQ, 112 (1980), 7-9.

91'D. Ussishkin, "The 'Lachish Reliefs' and the City of Lachish," IEJ, 30.3-4 (1980), 174-95; cf. P. Albenda, "Syrian- Palestinian Cities on Stone," BA, 43.4 (1980), 222-29.

92 N. Na'aman, "Sennacherib's 'Letter to God' on His Campaign to Judah," BASOR, 214 (1974), 25-39; idem, "Sennacberib's Campaign to Judah and the Date of the LMLK Stamps," Vetus Testamentum, 29 (1979), 61-86. Professor W.H. Shea informs me that on the basis of the reference to the god "Anshar," he will argue for two invasions of Sermacherib in a forthcoming article.

93'Media, Medes," IDBA pp. 304-06; Persia and the Bible (Grand Rapids: Baker, forthcoming)

94"Chaldea, Clialdeans, " IDBA, pp. 123-25.

95"Nabopolassar," IDBA, pp. 326-27.

96"NebuchadDezzar," IDBA, pp. 332-34.

97D.J. Wiseman, et a]., Notes on Some Problems in the Book of Daniel (London: Tyndale Press, 1965). On various problems related to Daniel see: GB; "The Archaeological Background of Daniel," BS, 137.1 (1980), 3-16; "Hermeneutical Issues in the Book of Daniel, "Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society, 23 (19SO), 13-21; "Nabonidus," ISBE (forthcoming) .

98GB; "Daniel and Contacts between the Aegean and the Near East before Alexander," Evangelical Quarterly, 53.1 (1981), 37-47,

99DW. Gooding, "The Literary Structure of the Book of Daniel and Its Implications," TB, 32 (1981), 43-80.

100'The Archaeological Background of Esther," BS, 137.2 (1980), 99-117; cf. also on Susa, "The Achaemenid Capitals," NEASB, 8 (1976), 5 ff.

101"'The Archaeological Background of Ezra," BS, 137.3 (1980), 195-211; "Ezra and Nehemiah," The Expositor's Bible Commentary, e d. F.E. Gaebelein (Grand Rapids: Zondervar), forthcoming).

102"The Archaeological Background of Nehemiah, " BS, 137.4 (1980), 291-309; Was Nehemiah the Cupbearer a Eunuch?" Zeitschrift ffir die aittestamentliche Wissenschaft, 92.1 (1980), 132-42; "Two Reformers Compared: Solon of Athens and Nehemiah of Jerusalem," The Bible World: Essays in Honor of Cyrus H. Gordon, ed. G. Rendsburg et al. (New York: KTAV, 1980), pp. 269-92; "Nehemiah, A Model Leader," A Spectrum of Thought: Essays in Honor of Dennis F. Kinlaw, ed. M.L. Peterson (Wilmore, KY: Francis Asbury Pub., 1982), pp. 171-80.

103SS, ch. 3: "The Dead Sea Scrolls," Wycliffe Bible Encyclopedia, ed. C.F. Pfeiffer, H.F. Vos, and J. Rea (Chicago: Moody Press, 1975), pp. 434-42.

104Y. Yadin, "The Temple Scroll," BA, 30 (1967), 135-39; Y. Yadin, Megillat Hammigridi ("The Temple Scroll") I-III (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1977).

105J. Maier, Die Tempelrolle vom Toten Meer (Munich: Ernst Reinhardt, 1978)

106Especially by J. Milgrom, e.g. "The Temple Scroll," BA, 41.3 (1978),105-20; Studies in the Temple Scroll," JBL, 97.4 (1978), 501-23; - 'Sabbath'and 'Temple City'in the Temple Scroll," BASOR, 232 (1978), 25-28; "Further Studies in the Temple Scroll," Jewish Quarterly Review, 71 (1980), 1-17.

107B.A. Levine, "The Temple Scroll: Aspects of Its Historical Provenance and Literary Character," BASOR, 232 (1978),5-24.

108'The Teacher of Righteousness from Qumran and Jesus of Nazareth," CT, 10 (May 13, 1966), 816-18; SS, pp. 140-45.

109Qumran New Testament Fragments?" IDBA pp. 379-81; J. O'Callaghan, .. Papiros neotestamentarios en la cueva 7 de Qumriin?" Biblica, 53 (1972), 91-100; D. Estrada, "The Fragments from Cave 7," Eternity, 23 (1972), 25-26; idem, "On the Latest Identification of New Testament Doeurnents,*' WTJ, 34 (1972), 109-17; W. White, "O'Callaghan's Identifications: Confirmation and Its Consequences," WTJ, 34 (1972),15-20; idem, "Notes on the Papyrus Fragments from Cave 7 at Qumran," WTJ, 35 (1973), 221-26: D. Estrada and W. White, The First New Testament (Nashville: Nelson, 1978).

110'C.J. Hemer, "New Testament Fragments at Qumran?" TB, 23 (1972), 125-28; idem, "The 7Q Fragments Reconsidered,- Themelios, 9 (1973), 14-16; M. Baillet, "Les manuscrits de la grotte 7 de Qumrin et le Nouveau Testament," Biblica, 54 (1973), 340-50; P. Benoit, "Nouvelle note stir les fragments grees de la grotte 7 de Qumr5n," Revue Biblique, 80 (1973), 5-12; G.D. Fee, "Some Dissenting Notes on 7Q5-Mark 6:52-53," JBL, 92 (1973), 109-12; R Lester, "Does Qumran Cave 7 Contain New Testament Materials?" Perspectives in Religious Studies, 2 (1975), 203-14. Inscriptions in Aramaic, Hebrew and Greek from New Testament times in Israel raise the possibility that Jesus may have been trilingual. See "Aramaic," IDBA pp. 38-41; P. Lapide, "Insights from Qumran into the Languages of Jesus," Revue de Qumran, 8.4 (1975), 483-501.

111 J.H. Charlesworth, "The Manuscripts of St. Catherine's Monastery, " BA, 43.1 (1980),26-34.

112 SS, p. 100; see J. Finegan, The Archeology of the New Testament (Princeton: Princeton University, 1964); C. Kopp, The Holy Places of the Gospels (Freiburg: Herder, 196-3).

113 E.M. and C.L. Meyers, "American Archaeologists Find Remains of Ancient Synagogue Ark in Galilee," BAR, 7.6 (1981), 24-39; E.M. Meyers, J.F. Strange, and C.L. Meyers, "The Ark of Nabratein-A First Glance," BA, 44.4 (1981), 237-43.

114Y. Yadin, Masada (New York: Random House, 1966).

115E.M. Meyers, "Ancient Synagogues in Galilee," BA, 43.2 (1980), 97-108; idem, "Synagogues of Galilee," Arch, 35.3 (1982),51-59; E.M. Meyers and J.F. Strange, Archeology, the Rabbis and Early Christianity (Nashville: Abingdon, 1981).

116SS, p. 102; V. Corbo, The House of Saint Peter at Capharnaum (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1969); J.F. Strange and H. Shanks, "Has the House Where Jesus Stayed in Capernaum Been Found?" BAR, 8.6 (1982), 26-37.

117"'Archaeology and the New Testament," The Expositor's Bible Commentary, ed. F.E. Gaebelein (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1979), 1, pp. 645 ff.; reprinted in Archaeology and the Bible (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1979).

118'J. Wilkinson, "The Streets of Jerusalem," Levant, 7 (1975), 118-36; idem, Jerusalem as Jesus Knew It (London: Thames and Hudson, 1978); B.E. Schein, "The Second Wall of Jerusalem," BA, 44.1 (1981), 21-26.

119'It was my privilege to participate in the 1968 season directed by Professor B. Mazar just south of the temple mount. See B. Mazar, The Mountain of the Lord (Garden City: Doubleday, 1975); idem, "Excavations near Temple Mount Reveal Splendors of Herodian Jerusalem," BAR, 6.4 (1980), 44-59; M.A. Zimmerman, "Tunnel Exposes New Areas of Temple Mount," BAR, 7.3 (1981), 34-41; J. Fleming, "The Undiscovered Gate beneath Jerusalem's Godlen Gate," BAR, 9.1 (1983),24-37.

120D.M. Jacobson, "Ideas Concerning the Plan of Herod's Temple," PEQ, 112 (1980), 33-40; C.L. Meyers, "The Elusive Temple," BA, 45.1 (1982), 33-42; A. Kaufman, "Where the Ancient Temple of Jerusalem Stood," BAR, 9.2 (1983), 40-59.

121The Crucifixion and Docetic Christology," Concordia Theological Quarterly, 46.1 (1982),1-20.

122V Tzaferis, "Jewish Tombs at and near Giv'at ba-Mivtar," IEJ, 20 (1970), 18-32; N. Haas, "Anthropological Observations on the Skeletal Remains from Giv'at ha-Mivtar," IEJ, 20 (1970), 58 ff. On the dispute over the location of Calvary, see SS, pp. 108-11, and Wilkinson, Jerusalem, pp. 180 ff., 194 ff. The site of Gordon's Calvary has no archaeological or traditional evidence for it, whereas the Church of the Holy Sepulchre does. See Charles Couasnon, The Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem (New York: Oxford University, 1974); 1. Grego, "ll Golgota Monte Santo dei Cristiani," Bibbia e Oriente, Z3 (1981), 221-33; J.F. Strange, "Archaeology and Pilgrims in the Holy Land and Jerusalem," BASOR, 245 (1982), 75-78.

123Space does not permit a discussion of how archaeology has illuminated the ministries of Paul and of John. See SS, pp. 112-25; The Archaeology of New Testament Cities in Western Asia Minor (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1980); Harper's World of the New Testament (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1981); Jack Finegan, The Archaeology of the New Testament: The Mediterranean World of the Early Christian Apostles (Boulder: Westview, 1981).

124A. Kloner, "A Tomb of the Second Temple Period at French Hill, Jerusalem," IEJ, 30.1-2 (1980), 99-108; L.Y. Rahmani, "Ancient Jerusalem's Funerary Customs and Tombs," BA, 44.3 (1981),171-77, and 44.4 (1981), 229-36; J. Zias, "A Rock-Cut Tomb in Jerusalem," BASOR, 245 (1982), 53-56; R. Hachlili, "A Second Temple Period Jewish Necropolis in Jericho," BA, 43.4 (1980), 235-40; R. Hachlili and A. Killebrew, "The Saga of the Goliath Family," BAR, 9.1 (1983), 44-53,

125"Easter-Myth, Hallucination, or History?" CT, 18 (March 15, 1974), 4-7; (March 29, 1974), 12-14, 16.

126SS, ch. 4; SA, pp. 17-20.