Science
in Christian PerspectiveScience
in Christian Perspective
AMERICAN CULTURE AND DRUG USE
GEORGE J.
JENNINGS
Assistant Professor of Anthropology
Wheaton College,
Wheaton, IL
From: JASA 20 (December 1968): 104-114.
The use of drugs to produce temporal euphoric states has a long history among many different cultures. Various mind-altering drugs are increasingly used by Americans with the greatest increment in use among middle class youths in high schools and colleges. The motivations for ingesting potentially dangerous drugs are complex although initial efforts have been made to identify and analyze why people are susceptible to using drugs considered harmful. Undoubtedly the motivations are psychological, sociological, and anthropological with resultant habituation sometimes becoming physiological. The effort in this paper is to employ the culture concept as defined in anthropology to suggest several causal factors such as family disintegration and religions ambiguity.
Psychedelic drug use and consequences are common topics in the news media for
the use is increasingly a disturbing feature in contemporary American culture
but the phenomenon is neither novel in the twentieth century nor
limited to American
life (Walton, 1938; Masters and Houston, 1966). Evidently
mindchanging drugs have
been known and used since antiquity with both primitive and civilized
man seeking
visionary experiences from plants worshipped as deities who endowed the users
with supernatural powers. Frequently the so-called psychedelic drug-producing
plants have been associated with magico-religious cults wherein the
leaders, shamans
and priests, achieved ecstatic states with accompanying charisma by consuming
the "visionary vegetables."
The Chinese emperor
Shen Neng mentions
usage
of the hemp plant (Cannabis indiea or Cannabis sativa)
as early as 2737b.c. Eight centuries before Christ, the Assyrians used a hemp
derivative such as hashish or marijuana and three centuries later the Scythians
sought drug-induced experiences from the same sources. India has used
hemp derivatives
to produce visions and heightened concentration, that is, a
hallucinogenic state,
for hundreds of years as an aid to spiritual attainment by the cults
of holy men.
Drugs continue to be used widely in the Orient to achieve mystical states and
thus provide escape from intolerable reality by those who lack
contemplative dedication
and patient concentration essential to successful yoga. In Islamic
cultures where
alcoholic beverages are prohibited among the faithful, the widespread
use of hashish
offers relief and escape even though its use is at the expense of the
mental health
of some users. Hemp use is common among Negro cultures in Africa with reports
of dire consequences where, apart from its provision of supernatural powers to
witch doctors, its effects among the native masses range from
intoxicated stupor
to orgiastic frenzy.
Pre-Columbian Mexico had a number of plants containing psychoactive
agents. After
conquering the people and discovering their use of the potent plants,
Cortex ordered
Aztec records destroyed so habits of drug use are known to us principally from
the pious. attacks made by Spanish friars upon the pagan practices which
included plant use by Aztec priests for visionary communication with the gods
of their pantheon. One of the plants used has been identified as the
white-flowered
morning glory, Ricea corynibosa, whose effects to the user are similar to those
produced by LSD. The Aztecs also had a sacred mushroom, teonanacatl
("flesh
of god"), which is the potent Psilocybe rnexicana, a drug
source in continued
use today by curanderas and curanderos (female and male shamans or curers) who
synthetize native beliefs with Christian elements in their healing chants and
practices. These Mazatecs contend that the plant is a gift from Christ enabling
them to communicate directly with Him when in a state induced by psilocybin.
Psilocybin,
first synthesized in 1958 by the Swiss chemist, Hofmann, has become widely used
as one of the most powerful of the hallucinogenic drugs.
Another drug source known in Mexico is peyote, Lophophora williamsi, which
is a cactus plant containing mescaline, a psychoactive alkaloid that stimulates
vivid imagery so common to the cultists today in the Indian religious movement
called the Native American Church. Peyote usage for magico-religious purposes
began as early as the third century before Christ, but it was not
until 1560 that
the Spanish friar and historian Sahagun described the plant as a narcotic. The
Spaniards denounced it as diabolical and suppressed its use in most of Mexico
except in the north where, in the nineteenth century, its use was adopted as a
basic
feature in a religious syncretism of native beliefs and Christianity. The cult
captured the imagination of
neighboring Indian tribes in the United States and it diffused among
tribes throughout
the central and western states until at present peyotism is the most
popular religion
among American Indians (LaBarre, 1938; Slotkin, 1956).
Other mind-altering drugs include the mushroom. fly agaric (Amanita muscaria),
the Solanaccae family of drugs of which the Thorn Apple (Datura stramonium) and
the henbanes are common. All of these are highly toxic but many
people have developed
techniques that enable the users to remove the poisonous elements.
The fly agaric
has been used for centuries among the Siberian aborigines as an inebriant and
the shamans consume considerable amounts to induce visionary states
to accompany
their frenzied performances. Datura and the henbanes were known to the ancient
Greeks who possibly used the drugs to achieve a mental state in which they were
possessed by the god. More recently the Solaeaceae family of drugs were used in
connection with European witchcraft to the extent that a Witch mania occurred
from the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries. The witches in
taking the drugs
experienced dreams and visions in which they participated in frenzied
orgies and
blasphemous, diabolical rites (Masters, 1962). These experiences were so vivid
and realistic to the participants that many confessed to the
Inquisitors to what
they were convinced was factual.
Lysergic acid diethylamide, commonly referred to as LSD-25 or simply LSD, is a
recent addition to the list of mind-affecting drugs. It is a
synthesized derivative
of the fungus ergot, Claeiceps purpurea, and ranks with psilocybin as
one of the
most powerful psychochemicals. The Swiss chemist, Hofmann, did not discover
the hallucinogenic properties of the drug until 1943. While the LSD
state is rarely
a bona fide psychosis, it does have symptomatic features commonly encountered
among psychotics. Under LSD the individual may experience a variety
of hallucinations,
delusions, abnormal body sensations, time and space distortions, and
other deviations
from normal consciousness. Controversy exists as to the result of
various studies
about LSD effects but it seems that despite its demonstrated potential
in psychotherapy
it is considered dangerous with possible harmful results. Dr. Marvin Schwartz,
a faculty member in the medical school at the University of Illinois, reported
that the treatment of nine young suburban users within one year revealed, from
cytogenic tests, chromosome damage in every case. It is still too
early, commented
Schwartz, to predict possible defects in the children of those
suffering chromosomal
damage (Chicago's American, May 22, 1968). Basing his conclusion on a
larger sample,
Dr. Maimon M. Cohen, associate professor of pediatrics in the division of human
genetics at the State University of New York in Buffalo, reported
that an examination
of 220 LSD users revealed chromosomal breakage in from seventy to
eighty per cent,
or a rate four times as great as in normal persons. "Recent work indicates
that quite apart from its
effect on the brain, LSD is a drug which can, in some cases, have
lasting psychological
and possibly serious physiological effects on other organs" (Chicago
Tuinune,
April 11, 1968).
These brief selective references to mind-affecting drugs are
obviously inadequate
for presenting the variety' of drugs used, the culture of the users,
and the history
associated with drugs. The writer plans an analytic treatment of such a study
which falls outside the scope and purpose of the present paper. It is
our purpose
at the moment to focus attention on cultural factors causing drug use
and addiction
among a cultural group who enjoy unusual affluence with associated
technological
achievements and conveniences. The motivational pattern evidently is
rather complex
but must be delineated if ameliorative policies are to be instituted to contain
a cancerous growth in American culture.
Motivations in drug use
Blum and associates conducted a study among five sample groups of LSD users whom
they categorize as "the informal professional sample,"
"the experimental subject
sample," "the therapy-patient sample," "the
informal black-market
sample," and "the religious-medical center sample" (1964:22-37).
In response to their question as to why individuals in the different
samples began
using LSD, the "experimental-subject" users responded that they were
motivated by curiosity, the same reason that sparked the
"informal professional"
group. The "therapy-patient" people stated that they took the drug in
an effort to obtain a cure for a particular psychological problem and did so at
their doctor's suggestion. The motivation reported by the
"religious-medical-center"
individuals was usually in quest of "self-knowledge" which
they attempted
to explain with such words as "sell-expanding" and
"becoming."
The "informal black-market" persons identify the motive as the desire
for aesthetic enhancement coupled with self-enhancement and curiosity in search
for a new euphoric state.
While it is obvious that psychotherapy patients take drugs in
conforming to medical
advice to remove psychological problems, it is curious that Blum and associates
discovered that these patients believed that they lived ordinary lives without
extremes of elation or depression. The informal black-market sample represented
the youngest individuals taking LSD but more significant is the fact they they
did not take the drug because of deprivation but stated rather that they were
motivated from a desire "to enhance an already pleasurable state of being
rather than a desperate need to escape misery" (Blum, et al.,
1964:41).
Barron raises the motivation question unequivocally when he asks: "Why on
earth would a drug that profoundly affects consciousness and the efficiency of
mental functioning in ways that are difficult to predict and that are
potentially
dangerous to the person who uses it become popular, especially among the young,
the well educated and those who are well chanced in life?" (1967:3). As a
preliminary comment before an
swering his own question, he assesses the historical factors leading
to uncertainty
and cultural ambiguity among American youth wherein the youth fail to
commit themselves
to traditional values and against which they engage in deviant
behavior as a protest
to culture values that seem irrelevant or meaningless. Hence
Barroil's suggested
answer rests ultimately upon a pervading dissatisfaction most
strikingly apparent
among youth who challenge contemporary American culture for its
failure to provide
them satisfaction in goal orientation. We will return to an analysis of culture
after some examination of Barren's "salient motivations" in the use
of LSD (1967:9-12).
Barrio's first motivation relates to "Persons interested in the experience
primarily for reasons of aesthetic appreciation or expression. In essence the
idea here is that our socio-cultural milieu fosters a blasemarked
populace to the
extent that there is consequent monotony associated with
technological conveniences
readily available leaving man with a desperate quest for something
novel and stimulating.
Audio-visual media, effortless mobility, and incessant communication have made
most experiences commonplace and this commonality is aggravated by occupational
specialization wherein most people are seldom confronted with
challenging, unsolved
problems in relation to most of their total environment. The
permissive and bestowing
pattern characterizing most American parents provides little
opportunity for their
children to experience stimulating excitement in discovering some solution that
relates to a meaningful life. Hallucinogenic drugs compensate for this cultural
drabness by intensifying perception, altering the time sense,
magnifying detail,
and increasing the volume of imagery; in short, the drugs enable the individual
to escape the routine of a culture marked with surfeit in experiences.
"Persons interested primarily in religious experience" is Barrio's
second salient motivation. Anthropologists have observed that people
in American
culture are not unique in their quest for an ecstatic state with transcendent
meaning in relation to the supernatural world. The opening comments
of this paper
indicated this widespread desire. What is strikingly different in
this quest between
satiated persons in American culture and other cultures is that the former have
increasingly resorted to psychoactive chemicals to achieve these states while
others attain a transcendent condition by fasting, physical
suffering, or rigorous
contemplation (Bogoras, 1965:454-460; Lowie, 1956:237255; Noss, 1963:273-275).
This motivational factor assumes such importance in the thinking of the author
that extended discussion will follow later in this paper.
The third motivation cited is "Persons seeking a cure for
alcoholism."
While admitting that alcoholic addicts do resort to psychedelic drug treatment
in hope to effect an escape from their dilemma, this motivating
factor is of secondary
importance for it avoids the primary consideration as to why the
alcoholic became
an addict in the first place. Our contention is that fundamental
culture factors
are at play in creating al
coholic and/or drug addiction. In his study of alcohol and culture, Mandelbaum
cites Horton's views on the functions of alcohol among primitives with special
note of the latter's conclusion that the amount of alcohol consumed correlated
positively with anxiety created by various cultural circumstances (1965:287).
From this and similar studies we may assume that anxiety contributes
to alcoholic
addiction in America; as a matter of fact the psychoanalyst, Karen Homey makes
this quite explicit when she observes that our culture is anxiety ridden to the
point of neurosis. She has discovered that a common means to
alleviating anxiety
is "to narcotize it. This may be done consciously and literally by taking
to alcohol or drugs" (1937:52). One need not dismiss the fact
that psychedelic
drugs used in psychotherapy under the supervision of a qualified
medical practitioner
shows some promise as a remedial means, but therapeutic use of drugs
for alcoholism
or mental disturbances takes its somewhat afield from the present consideration
and will not be pursued.
Barron's next motivational factor is stated thus: "Persons seeking relief
from personal psychological problems of a neurotic sort." Again
this causal
factor avoids ultimate impetus for, as in the case of alcoholic addiction, the
psychological disturbance has some cause in the first place and must
be diagnosed
if therapeutic drug prescription is to effect enduring cure. The use of LSD or
similar drugs is not motivated directly from self-impulse or desire but arises
in consent] to prescription by a practitioner who has gained the
patient's confidence
and compliance. Our interest from the cultural perspective is to inquire beyond
the neurosis to the primary forces at play. We have already indicated that this
study cannot address itself to drug use for therapy although we can note that
Masters and Houston have summarized the controversy existing in
relation to hallucinogenic
drugs in psychotherapy. The evidence leads them to the generalization that drug
use is beneficial in those cases where a drug-induced catharsis leads
to the exposure
of repressed memories and enables the patient to gain confrontation
with his "real
self" (1966).
The next motivation cited by Barron follows logically the one just discussed;
it is that "Seriously disturbed
persons" have reached extreme potentially suicidal or psychotic..."
The motivation
in this case is an act of desperation which leads them
to try mind-altering drugs as the last resort to escape suicidal urges by what
they hope will be a "break through" to a regenerative perspective in
life, Turning to LSD or similar drugs may fail in these cases with deplorable
results for the drug state may actually aggravate their chaotic
psychic condition
to the point that they do commit suicide. Incidentally these cases
are exploited
by the popular news media and inaccuracies are conveyed to the naive
who are unaware
of the psychic state of the person prior to his resorting to a drug.
It is quite
certain that a qualified psychotherapist would not prescribe psychedelic drugs
for the treatment of such cases. At the risk of boring the reader, the author
doggedly insists that motivation in
such cases is secondary and to confine our attention to this cause is to avoid
coming to grips with the factors at play in producing psychosis.
"Persons who are chronic social delinquents" is listed by Barron as
the sixth motivation for drug use. These persons' are in revolt against their
society and culture and use drugs as a retaliatory means to demonstrate their
revolt. While admitting that Barron may be correct in citing this as a cause,
we must again take issue on the basis that the why of delinquency
remains unanswered
but must be considered if remedial steps are to be taken. Why are
there "sociopaths"
who often resort to drug use? In a cultural analysis of these cases, we believe
it is imperative to seek for those elements in the individual's enculturation
or socialization process that caused him to fail in acquiring moral and ethical
appreciation and social responsibility. Our chain of thought goes
thus: if condition
C (the use of drugs) is the result of condition B (social delinquency), we have
sidestepped the preliminary condition A which we contend is a complex
of factors
that may be abstracted 'in the concept of the individual's culture.
Our question
then persists: What are the culture factors at play in causing many
people, especially
privileged youth, in American life to use dangerous mind-affecting drugs?
The Culture Concept
To answer the question that relates drug use to culture, it may be helpful to
elucidate the culture concept as held in anthropological thought. Culture is a
term used widely but proves to be a difficult concept to define as
the two noted
anthropologists, Kroeber and Kluckhohn, emphasized in their effort some years
ago (1963). After listing many definitions under such categories as
descriptive,
historical, normative, psychological, structural, genetic, and
others, they concluded
that:
"Culture consists of patterns, explicit and implicit, of and for behavior
acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinctive achievement
of human groups, including their embodiments in artifacts; the essential core
of culture consists of traditional (i.e., historically derived and
selected) ideas
and especially their attached values; culture systems may, on the one hand, be
considered as products of action, on the other, as conditioning
elements of further
action" (1963:337).
An analysis of the implications contained in this somewhat complex definition
would take us far afield therefore we shall select certain phrases
that may satisfactorily
clarify the culture concept as it relates to the present paper. It seems clear
that culture constitutes behavioral patterns characteristic of human societies.
These "ways of life" or "designs for living" are
dynamic with
alterations occurring at varying rates and which result from such
factors as invention,
diffusion, and ecology. As a culture develops it is significant that within the
patterned behaviors there are key influential relationships that affect members
of the system. When accelerated change occurs, the culture structure
may be weakened
with adverse effects to the members undergoing acculturation or enculturation.
The result is deviance from culture values or norms by those con
fused by the seemingly erratic behavior and capricious value
attitudes of innovators.
A society's culture includes many institutions such as the family,
kinship, religion,
education, economy, political organization, law, art, and others. All of these
play some role in the enculturative process, and, if marked by integration and
interrelational harmony, the individual acquires confidence in his
interdependence
and interaction with fellow members in his culture. He can expect or
predict certain
reactions from his fellows indicated by cues in a symbolic system. In contrast
when change disrupts the system and destroys consistency in the
behavior patterns,
the member becomes uncertain not knowing what to expect and is
fearful of interactional
consequences with resultant anxiety. This briefly is the relevant and poignant
implications of culture and change with their influence upon members
in a society.
A great diversity of patterns exists in a large society characterized
by a complex
culture such as America, hence on the basis of certain culture traits the large
complex whole may be segmented into classes or groups which are
commonly referred
to as subcultures which share certain traits with the larger society
but are distinguished
by secondary traits. such as economic status or religious affiliation.
It is immediately evident that culture is an abstraction even as such concepts
as society and economy are. Therefore to conclude that culture
influences individuals
is merely a convenient mode for referring to the fact that
individuals characterized
with certain attitudes, emotions, and behaviors influence other
individuals. One
must remember however that culture means shared traits hence in
influencing another,
the individual is to a considerable degree reflecting the attitudes
and behavior
that are normative in his culture. This is asserting that there is a
relationship
between a person's culture and his personality. We need not subscribe
to extreme
cultural determinism in our conclusion that culture is a molding force to its
members for each individual is unique due in part to the fact that he exercises
choice within the latitudinal boundaries of his culture. Allport supports this
conclusion with these words:
"Culture is indeed a major condition in becoming. Yet personal integration
is always the more basic fact ... Some elements in our culture we
reject altogether;
many we adopt as more opportunistic habits, and even those elements
that we genuinely
appropriate we refashion to fit our own personal style of life.
Culture is a condition
of becoming but it is not the full stencil" (quoted in Goodman,
1967:13).
It is common knowledge that the most forceful traditional agents for
enculturation
in America are the family, the school, and the Church. Now in the
twentieth century
the trend seems to be toward increasing influence by the peer group and formal
education with a decline of molding force by a weakening family and
an equivocating
Church. The dynamic factors affecting the family, the school, and the
Church are
not limited to any one segment of American culture for, as Hoebel writes that
despite diverse backgrounds of immigrants, the wide range in beliefs
from atheism
to devout evangelicalism, and the broad spectrum of interests in terms
of occupation, recreation, and education, there is a recognizable
American world
view (1966:498-500). Within this world view, Hoebel sees a number of
major themes
one of which is appropriate to our consideration because it has
greatly influenced
change in the three enculturative institutions. Hoebel labels this
theme "rationalism
and the mechanistic view" by which he means that American
thought patterns
are dominated by rationalism rather than mysticism, and the
"operative conception
of the universe is mechanistic." This rational-mechanistic view
is overwhelmingly
a mystie-vitalistie view with action rather than contemplation taking
precedence.
This action orientation in turn leads to an "emphasis upon technology and
science rather than upon philosophy and the arts." In the end
Americans who
live in an impersonal, industrialized and urbanized culture made
possible by technology
and science are threatened by accompanying socio-cultural phenomena with dire
consequences. The family and the Church have felt the full impact of this world
view and, in the opinion of this writer, reflect a vulnerability in the youth
with their behavioral deviances including drug use and habituation.
Before directing our attention to contemporary conditions marking the American
family and religion, we may profitably explore briefly the stimulating insight
into culture by the founder of psychoanalysis, Freud. We need not
indiscriminately
subscribe to all of Freud's conclusions in his work entitled Civilization and
Its Discontents where he emphasizes the effects of repression on the
individual.
In fact Marcuse has examined Freud's thinking and agrees that there
is both repression
originating in the individual (ontogenesis) and in cultures
(phylogenesis) (1962).
Repression, according to Marcuse's interpretation of Freud, may be considered
a nontechnical term referring to both conscious and unconscious
processes of restraint
and suppression. It is generally granted that Freud's proposition is correct in
that culture rests upon the subjugation of human instincts, but the nation that
there is intolerable suffering incurred by individuals for the
benefit of culture
is not to be taken too seriously. Free gratification of human instinctual needs
is incompatible with a cultural system whether that system be
considered primitive
or civilized. No culture can long tolerate uninhibited expression of aggression
manifested in homicide, sex, or other forms of exploiting one's
fellows. The social
consequences are disorganization and chaos. This fact has been demonstrated by
many studies in the field of cultural dynamics where changes in
culture have disrupted
the system for a time only to be followed by an emergent system exercising new
forms of restraint (Spicer, 1952).
Freud's emphasis upon repression assumes validity for this study when the fact
is recognized that, while all cultures impose restrictions on their
members, the
significance of the restraints is more apparent among the so-called primitive
or folk cultures, while the complex and urbanized American culture
with its eontraetural
relationships impose controls that tend to be much more obscure in terms of the
control's relevance to human survival and satisfaction. Thus the imposition of
limitations on entertainment or recreation sources by parents with puritanical
traditions on their children may be difficult to enforce let alone to
defend these
restraints with a reasonable and meaningful explanation. There is a formidable
array of suppressions in a complex culture but these tend to be
accepted unless,
as in the American ease, the culture is undergoing dramatic change where there
is a perpetuation of restraints formerly meaningful and relevant but
are now obscure
and even irrelevant. The consequence of what may be called a
repressive anachronism
is that institutional supervision is rejected by those who seek
subconscious retaliation
by delinquent behavior including drug use. Freud's "discontents" are
readily observed therefore among the restive youth seeking meaning to
life through
the psychedelic experience as well as in the "hippie" movement and,
in drastic cases, the revolt against the controls of
institutionalized education
occurring on college campuses (Time, May 3, 1968, pp. 24-25).
With these comments on culture in general, we can now direct our attention to
an analysis of two institutions critical to integrative functioning in
every culture.
The two institutions are the family and religion both of which are in a state
of flux in American culture to the degree that their effectiveness is sharply
curtailed.
The American Family Crisis
"The family of the last few decades has grown ever more unstable, until it
has reached the point of actual disintegration" is the
pessimistic conclusion
offered by Sorokin (1941:188). While such a judgment is open to challenge as it
has been by some scholars, it is quite apparent that the American
family has undergone
alteration from a relatively close-knit group marked by parental authority to
a loose, atomistic arrangement that frequently ends in divorce or by
the desertion
of a parent. Zimmerman's gloomy summary written two decades ago may be extreme
but it cannot be ignored.
"The western world has entered a period of demoralization
comparable to the
periods when both Greece and Rome turned from growth to decay.
Divorce, premarital
sex experience, promiscuity, homosexuality, versatility in sex, birth control
carried to excess, spread of birth control to every segment of the population,
positive antagonism to parenthood, clandestine marriage, migratory
divorce, marriage
for sex alone, contempt for familism . . all are increasing
rapidly" (1947:632).
This interpretation is not unique for it is shared with other
scholars who compare
the western family with those in non-western cultures. For example Ruth Anshen,
in her introductory chapter to a book devoted to cross-cultural comparison of
families, provides a penetrating resume of recurring crises and repeated chaos
marking the western family (1959). She links the decline of the family with a
deterioration of philosophy, morality, and religion in western
culture while contending
that similar family crises have not occurred in other great civilizations such
as China and India where concepts of morality and ethics were
maintained by recognizing
religious authority.
Anshen also traces the philosophical roots of the dissolution of family values in post Hellenistic society that was consequent to
an emphasis upon the individual. She notes that Plutarch, writing in
the New Testament
period, points out that the moral virtues supporting the Helenistie society and
family had disappeared. "Fidelity, chastity, the begetting and rearing of
children, the loyalty of man to man-in short, moral integrity-had been
dissipated
in every stratum of Greek society" (Anshen, 1959:11). This was
the inevitable
result of extolling the atomistic quality in society with individual isolation.
Anshen believes that like tragic consequences are apparent in the
American family
stemming from the relative isolation of its members. The Roman
family, after passing
through a state similar to that in the Homeric and Hesiodic periods, reproduced
in facsimile the early Greek family history and became a prototype of
the decadence
in the modern family demoralized by wealth, ease, hedonism. The
Christian church
succeeded in restoring stable family structure to the western world
for centuries
during which time the family became a vehicle of cultural
stabilization and bestowed
upon the individual member freedom and security. This ideal has been
disappearing
from modern western culture at an accelerating pace.
In contemporary American culture motherhood has been reduced to a
"science"-a
mere technique which robs the individual of certain indispensable, integrating
influences which earlier served as a cohesive force in society. The following
statement by Anshen in summarizing the dire consequences needs no comment.
"The child, confronted with the collective, anonymous forces of
an industrialized
social order, finds himself isolated, insecure, and manifesting an
ensuing disintegration
of conscience and consciousness. Sexual relations are dominated by
social expediencies.
The sacrament of marriage, constituting a reconciliation of nature
and civilization,
is contaminated by erotic excesses and prostitution. Marriage degenerates into
a cachet of social sanctions, a mere utilitarianism, an instrument of
conformity
in the mechanism of society. Instinctual and intuitional love, moral integrity,
religious needs, the very spiritual substance of man are all constantly adapted
to the demands of a pragmatic culture, and the processes of civilization reveal
the frustrations routed in this tendency" (1959:19).
It is axiomatic that the family plays a predominant role in
personality formation.
General agreement prevails among scholars likewise that this familial influence
is maximized during the early years of childhood, or to quote Goodman: "By
age six, or thereabout, the child's personality will have assumed
enduring contours.
Later experiences will develop detail within these contours, perhaps alter them
to some or a considerable degree. However, these later developments must occur
either within or against the early configuration" (1968: 178).
Clinical psychologists, psychiatrists, and psychoanalysts have
explored the dynamic
process in personality formation in the child and have detected the imperative
need of acceptance and affection if the child is to attain satisfactory mental health in later
life. Bowlby emphasizes how important affectionate care is to
normal child maturation
in his article "Child Care and the Growth of Love" (Krieh,
1960:118-127).
His analysis is unequivocal when he insists that the child, even in
infancy, senses
hypocrisy in parents whose marital and parental relationships rest upon sexual
or social expediency rather than emotional attachment and
compatibility. Bowlby's
conclusions are supported by considerable evidence amassed from sociological,
psychiatric, and psychoanalytic research (1966). Perhaps his views are somewhat
vitiated by an over emphasis on the maternal-child dyad, but it seems
unreasonable
to dismiss his evidence that links mental disturbances and
delinquency to "maternal
deprivation." One of Bowlby's key statements is:
"Evidence that the deprivation of mother-love in early childhood can have
far-reaching effects on the mental health and personality development of human
beings comes from many sources . . . Such evidence is disquieting, but skeptics
may question whether the retardation is permanent and whether the symptoms of
illness may not easily be overcome. The restrospective and follow-up
studies make
it clear that such optimism is not always justified and that some children are
gravely damaged for life. This is a somber conclusion which must now
he regarded
as established" (1966:15).
The neglect of children tends to be aggravated among families marked
by socio-economic
disadvantages hence the incidence of delinquency is higher in slum and ghetto
areas. The combination of parental indifference, for whatever reason,
and socio-economic
deprivation produces children whose orientation is toward delinquency
accompanied
by moods of pessimism, unhappiness, a sense of futility, mistrust, negativism,
defiance, and a manipulative attitude to exploit life. Chein and his associates
discovered however that, even in depressed urban settings where drug
habituation
is high, those with more fortunate family circumstances were not among the drug
users (1964:13). In contrast according to this same study, the home
life of addicts
is conducive to the development of disturbed personalities. In the
homes of those
addicted to drugs, parental harmony and affection were absent with separation,
divorce, desertion, overt hostility, or lack of warmth quite
apparent. The parents
were uncertain about the standards of behavior expected from the children and
inconsistent in the application of discipline; the children tended to
be over-indulged
or harshly frustrated.
But drug use and habituation is not confined to delinquent youth from
disadvantaged
homes as reported by Chein and his associates. Increasing numbers of users are
members in families of the middle and upper classes. We may then ask
the question
concerning the family rapport or esprit de corps when the family circumstances
cannot be included among those marked by social and economic deprivation. Most
social scientists hold that the middle class family is typical in
American society,
therefore Raab and Selznick's analysis of the modern family may be accepted as
fair reference to the typical American family (1964:310-11). They compare the
closelyknit rural family, formerly predominant in America, with the
present urban
family. The unity of beliefs and attitudes characteristic of the
highly integrated
and interdependent rural family have been replaced by individualism
and atomization
in the urbanized home. Divorce and delinquency reflect family
disharmony and tension
while contemporary family life fails to win the affection of
the youth and to inculcate positive values and self-discipline
essential to satisfactory
participation in society. The revolt of youth is no longer restricted
to disadvantaged
homes for even the best situated families find it difficult to
control their children.
The theory then that is proposed in an analysis of American culture is that the
fragmentation of the family, including affectionate deprivation, is a
contributing
factor to increasing drug use among youth. This conclusion correlates
with Louria's
recommendation that an effective attack on hallucinogen abuse
includes restrictive
laws to control illicit sale and possession, education, and "strengthening
the family unit" (1967:45. Italics added). He argues that family life with
cohesion and affection will produce youth free from insecurity and will enable
the young people to acquire stability in personality to withstand the lure of
drug proselyters.
Granted that family unity is highly desirable and imperative to
combat the threat
of drug use among youth, the problem centers about how to restore
harmony, common
beliefs and attitudes, and affection to the American family. Bowlby
suggests that
a revitalized family relationship is dependent on economic, social, and medical
factors (1966:84). The deterioration in the American middle class
family refutes
Bowlby's argument for there is no actual economic lack, social deprivation, or
medical neglect in the overwhelming majority of these typical
families. The question
therefore remains: How can the contemporary family gain stabilization
with mutually-shared
objectives and values including love that together are conducive for congenial
child rearing? It seems certain that familial warmth and affection
cannot be effected
by legislation or even by economic aid to those who are poverty
stricken. Education,
which has become an obsession to the point of apotheosis in Western
culture, seems
to offer possibilities but, on second thought, it is involved in controversy as
to objectivity and subjectivity in the treatment of values. The
unanswered question
among educational leaders is whether education is to be analytic, evaluative,
or directive. One needs only to recall that Germany prior to World War II was
recognized as most prestigous in educational realms but its educational goals
failed to prevent the consequent cataclysm and fiasco. Furthermore drug use is
not a problem rising from illiterate families; it has become a matter of grave
concern as the result of its use and addiction among those enjoying
unusual educational
advantages.
We must therefore direct our attention to other cultural factors to
find answers
to the drug dilemma with the hope that in discovering the cause we
can also snake
prescription for effective cure. The traditional association of the
American ethos
with its system of values has been in the mystical or supernatural
realm of religion
which Tillich has aptly described as the ultimate concern of man. A
consideration
of causal factors in harmful drug use in American culture would he futile and
inaccurate without exploring the spiritual heritage and contemporary situation
which involves most members of our society.
The Spiritual Vacuum in Western Culture
The literature devoted to examining the religious heritage,
development, change,
diversity, and decline is overwhelming with scholars from
practically the entire
spectrum of learned disciplines contributing their insights and interpretations
of what religion has or has not meant to Western culture. The problem therefore
is one of selection on the basis of what, in this author's opinion, represents
an accurate and valid description. Undoubtedly any selection will be subject to
objection and criticism by the very fact that such diverse views are
held in relation
to a controversial subject and which are held with considerable
emotion by those
interested. We must not however allow the reality of opposition or disagreement
to deter us from an effort to see if spirituality, or its lack, has
some correlation
with conditions fostering drug use.
The philosophical psychotherapist, Carl C. Jung, gives considerable attention
to analyzing modern man's ineffectual spiritual state which, Jung
believes after
long experience in treating persons with mental problems, is due to a decline
in religions force and emphasis in western man's life. In his work, Modern Man
in Search of a Soul, Jung epitomizes much of his thinking in a chapter entitled
"The Spiritual Problems of Modern Man" and offers suggestions to this
writer's consideration of the cultural role in man's quest for
spiritual euphoria
by means of abnormal psychological states (1933:196-220). Jung uses
the term "conscious"
and "unconscious" in a technical manner which must be understood in
order to appreciate the thrust of his observations. He states that
modern or western
man is one who is quite "conscious" of the present to the point that
man's interests, emphasis, and efforts are directed to the immediate
circumstances.
What this means is, if we understand Jung's thinking, that man has
removed himself
from the context of a "common unconsciousness" which has
characterized
most of mankind throughout human history. This focus on the conscious
with abandonment
of the unconscious leaves man without spiritual moorings necessary to normalcy
in mental health.
This conceptualization readily adapts itself to the culture concept as held by
anthropologists. By such adaptation we may conclude that modern man is in revolt
against the very thing that is essential to mental stability and normalcy, that
is, the culture content of which we are not conscious or aware but
which provides
to the individual the sense of meaning and satisfaction. Thus the ethnographer
may pose the following question to a primitive: Why do you think that this is
true? And the response typically is: Because we have always so
thought. The primitive
has little interest in questioning the present in his conviction that
the present
is fused with the past and the future. Modern man has little interest
in the values
and strivings of past cultures except from the historical standpoint with its
superficial attention to exotic customs of bygone eras. "Thus he has become 'unhistorical' in the deepest sense
and has estranged
himself from the mass of men who live entirely within the bounds of
tradition."
In repudiating the historical context, western man is marked by the loneliness
with its associated meaninglessness; lie has cut himself adrift from
vital cultural
moorings for aimless wandering on the waters of uncertainty.
This somber phenomenon relates directly to the necessity of spiritual reality
for one of the most venerable traditional views held by man is that
he possesses
a soul with an eternal destiny. The soul has been viewed as the
immortal essence
of man in the western world for millenia (Jennings, 1967). Twentieth
century secularists
have challenged the soul concept in dealing with the larger question about the
reality of the supernatural realm. The consequence of this skepticism
by western
man is that he must rely upon himself in the face of apparent
impotence. He denies
the fundamental notion in spiritual or religious beliefs; this focal
idea is that
of dependence upon resources beyond those that have proven to be
futile and frustrating.
This position is quite different to that held by medieval man who held that men
were children of Cod and under the loving care of the Most High who
readied human
creatures for eternal blessedness. Man knew then precisely the manner
of conduct
by which they could overcome a corruptible world while possessing a relatively
high degree of contentment to stabilize their personality with its convictions
and emotional configuration. The assumption was that the Bible was
the infallible
guide to a knowledge of Cod, to man's relationship to Cod through
faith in Jesus
Christ, and to conduct with fellow man.
As a segment of western culture, Americans have called into question
the mystical
certainties held by western man a few centuries ago and have replaced
these verities
with the ideals of material security, general welfare, and
humaneness. The spiritual
heritage has been replaced by scientific and technological
materialism. One cannot
deny the beneficial contributions of science-a visit to a modern
hospital is most
convincing
-but the apotheosis of science or scientism has destroyed the
sanctuary of spiritual
reality to which man could retreat when confronted with overwhelming
circumstances.
Materialism, enhanced by scientism, has increasingly permeated
western man's world
view to the point that relatively few thinkers today subscribe to a cautionary
assertion made two thousand years ago: "For what good is it for a man to
gain the whole world at the price of his own soul? What could a man
offer to buy
back his soul once he had lost it?" (Matthew 16:26, Phillips
version). Modern
man has exchanged faith in spiritual postulates for a faith in
scientific propositions
and in rejecting the former he believes that existential circumstances are the
sole source for ultimate validity.
Now in the grip of this secularistic world view, modern man may be interested
in the observation of a so-called primitive man who stands apart from this
position.
Jung relates the confidential evaluation of the white man by a Pueblo
Indian who
confessed, "We don't understand the whites; they are always
wanting something-always restless always looking for something. What is it? We don't know. We
can't understand
them. They have such sharp noses, such thin cruel lips, such lines in
their faces.
We think they are all crazy" (1933:213). This perceptive insight notes the
aggravated restlessness and aimlessness of those lacking the
certainties of spiritual
values. Or for many who identify with Christianity their profession
lacks dynamic
application to a creative wholeness essential to giving faith meaningfulness.
An ancient Islamic axiom sums up modern man's predicament: "A roan without
belief in God is like a drunken man with a sword."
Religion, the acknowledgment of human limitations and ultimate dependence, is
universal in all cultures. No attempt can be made within the scope of
the present
paper to demonstrate the "truth" of any religion other than
to confess
that the author identifies positively with evangelical Christianity.
The question
of the "truth" or "falseness" of any religion is. voided by
anthropologists but there is agreement that whatever the religion it performs
functions in human cultures that no other institution seems to be
able to do (Lessa
and Vogt, 1965:41-88). Even ardent scientists admit that ultimately there are
limitations to scientific nature by the very fact that the
practitioners are fallible.
Lowie, in reflecting along this line of thought toward the close of a
life marked
by brilliant scientific studies of man, concluded that the
"average man"
cannot be satisfied with science as a substitute for religion.
Science, he believed,
is a dynamic and developing phenomenon with great opportunities but
which ultimately
cannot replace religion as a source of peace and security. Science deals with
probabilities, religion with certainties (Lowie, 1963).
These extended comments on religion may seem to have taken us from the central
theme under consideration, but it is an effort to emphasize that
modern Americans
have rejected spiritual forces. The result is uncertainty, fear, and
anxiety that
underlie the institutional structure of the culture. In a state of
limbo, Americans
seek to discover existential havens or meaningful experiences by various means
including those offered by hallucinogenic drugs. Frequently drug induced states
are considered to be religious experiences so it is logical to give attention
to this phenomenon.
The Peyote Cult is an excellent example of drug use to effect
religious experiences.
Slotkin, formerly a member and officer in the Native American Church or the
Peyote Cult, points out that the central feature of this syncretism of native
beliefs and Christianity is the hallucinatory state induced by ingesting peyote
with its mescaline ingredient (1956). The Peyotists contend that in
the drug-induced
state they receive spiritual power and power for appropriate and
satisfying behavior
for each earnest participant. By observing the rite properly, the individual's
sensibility
is heightened either in reference to himself (introspection) or to
others (mental
telepathy). The introspection is an intensive self-evaluation which
leads to silent
or vocal prayer to God, confession of sins, repentance, and consecration to the
Peyote ethic in the future. The heightened sensibility toward others
contributes
to a feeling that there is mutual influence between persons by their thoughts.
Glossolalia sometimes occurs in this mental telepathic state
(Jennings, 1968:13).
The Peyote Cult is of course not a feature in the main stream of
American culture
but is the religion of American Indians who have been both exploited
and influenced
by western culture. Its significance for this study is that it
reveals that psychedelic
drugs provide meaning to those who have lost many of their traditional values.
It is not difficult to find examples of a similar phenomenon among contemporary
Americans. Masters and Houston devote an entire chapter in their study to what
they call "Religious and Mystical Experience" in which they conclude,
after examining the ease histories of drug users, that "the most profound
and transforming psychedelic experiences have been those regarded by
the subjects
as religious" (1966:247). In the work by Blum and associates, a
chapter entitled
"Psychedelic Experience and Religious Belief" is included to analyze
the social utility of LSD for mystical-religious purposes, such as enhancement
or weakening of accepted religious, moral, ethical, arid dogmatic attitudes and
beliefs (1964:187-198). The chapter focuses on a sample of forty-two drug users
who were asked thirteen questions about religious beliefs and
changes. A summary
of the basic findings are:
"1. Sixty per cent stated their religious feelings were changed
a. Thirty percent experienced a deeper understanding of their
previous religious
feelings and felt closer to their church.
b. Thirty per cent experienced a change in their religious thinking
in a variety
of ways.
"2, Sixty per cent trusted God (or life) more; 35 per cent trusted people
more.
"3. Forty per cent indicated their understanding of the teachings of their
own church had changed, largely toward an increased understanding of
doctrine.
"4. Forty per cent expressed lessened anxiety regarding death, elaborating
this in a variety of ways.
"5. Thirty per cent felt a greater conviction of the existence
of a supreme
being.
"6. Eighty per cent stated they were more secure people.
"7. Fifty per cent indicated they were freer, more tolerant, or
less guarded.
Sixty per cent felt their personal conduct had changed for the better: 30 per
cent believed their moral standards had changed toward increased
personal responsibility.
"8. Forty per cent felt a different relation between themselves and other
people" (Blum, et al. 1964:188).
Insofar as the authors in this study were able to ascertain, the drug
effect added
nothing new to the individual unconscious of each subject. Rather the
drug-induced
state brought into conscious awareness what was already present. This raises a
question: Is God the unconscious of man? The answer must be no, for
to the Christian
the gift of eternal life is associated with meaning, value,
direction, and purpose
experientially revealed by the act of God in Christ. Meditation and prayer are
the traditional paths of increasing the awareness of the Divine Presence
as evidence of the gift. Has our secularistic culture robbed us of meditational
exercise to the extent that it is necessary to resort to psychedelic drugs to
make spiritual life meaningful?
A fascinating testimony is provided by Jane Donlap (pseudonym) who
describes vividly
her personal experience with LSD. Her statement explicitly gives the reason why
many Americans have become drug users so we may do well to quote her
at length.
"People naturally want to know why I wished to take LSD. The
fact that related
substances were used for religions purposes interested me profoundly, and I had
heard that LSD experiences were often deeply spiritual. For many years it has
seemed to me that, before any of its can have truly fulfilling lives, we must
develop intelleettally, physically, emotionally, and spiritually. Intellectual
and physical development are tremendously stressed in our culture,
perhaps overstressed.
Emotional and spiritual development, I feel, are both neglected and
underestimated.
Through several years of painful but glorious psychoanalysis and psychotherapy,
I have done considerable maturing emotionally arid laid the
foundation for further
emotional growth, Intellectually I could have done better but also worse . . .
When it came to spiritual attainment, my development was so pitifully
inadequate
that I sometimes felt consumed with an empty yearning
"Although growth means constant change and development, my belief in Cod
and feelings about Him stayed much the same year after year except
that I discarded
my concepts of heaven and hell. In short, I was in a spiritual rut; furthermore
I had no idea how to get out of it. Frankly I feel that I had a great deal of
company and that asp rut was really quite crowded. For these reasons,
when filling
out a questionnaire which asked, 'Why do you wish to take lysergic
acid?' I wrote:
'In hope of overcoming spiritual poverty.' Another time I filled the
blank with:
'To get chemical Christianity' " (Dunlap, 1961:12-14. Italics added.).
The evidence sustains Mrs. Dunlap's opinion that her state of spiritual poverty
and lack of meaning in
life pervades the condition of people in western culture. The pathos
in discovering
this fact is that dangerous mind-affecting drugs are resorted to in an effort
to fill the spiritual void. The noted English historian, Arnold Toyisbee, gave
an appraisal recently of American culture in, which he observed that one of our
American weaknesses is that we have lost the "art of contemplation"
and "the inward spiritual form of religion" (Life, December 8, 1967).
An editorial its a widely read Christian periodical, in commenting on Toynbee's
assertions, states: "Partly because of our churches' neglect of
this aspect
of Christianity', American young people have turned to drugs to find what they
call a significant religious experience. But now many seem to be
forsaking drugs
and turning back to some of the contemplative religions of the Far East. Let us
hope that before long they will discover the authentic mysticism at the heart
of the Christian faith" (Christianity Today, May 24, 1968).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ainsworth, Mary 0., et al.
1966 Deprivation of Maternal Care: A Reassessment of Its Effects. New York,
Schocken Books.
Anshen, Ruth N.
1959 The Family: Its Function and Destiny. New York, Harper and Row.
Barron, Frank
1967 Motivational Patterns in LSD Usage. In LSD, Man
and Society, eds., R. C. DeBold and B. C. Leaf. Middletown, Conn.,
Wesleyan University
Press.
Becker, Howard S.
1963 Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance.
London, The Free Press of Gleneoe.
Blnm, Richard, and Associates
1964 Utopiates: The Use and Users of LSD-25. New York, Atlierton Press.
Bogoras, Waldemar
1965 Shamanistic Performance in the Inner Room. In Reader in
Comparative Religion,
eds., William A. Lessa and Even Z. Vogt. New York, Flarper and Bow.
Bowlby, John
1966 Maternal Care and Mental Health. New York, Schocken Books.
Chein, Isidor, et. al.
1964 The rand to H: Narcotics, Delinquency, and Social Policy. New York, Basic Books.
Crneket, Richard, B. A. Sandison, and Alexander Walk (eds.)
1963 Hallucinogenic Drugs and Their Psychotherapeutic Use. Springfield, Ill., Charles C. Thomas.
Debold, B.C., and B. C. Leaf (eds.)
1967 LSD, Mao and Society. Middletown, Conn., Wesleyan University Press.
Dunlap, Jane
1961 Exploring Inner Space: Personal Experiences under LSD-25. New York, Flareourt, Brace. and World.
Eysenek, Flaiss J. (ed.)
1963 Experiments with Drugs: Studies in the Relation between
Personality, Learning
Theory and Drug Action. New York, The Macmillan Company.
Goodman, Mary E.
1967 The Individual and Culture. Flomewood, Ill., The Dorsey Press.
1968 Influences of Childhood and Adolescence. In The Study of Personality: An
Interdisciplinary Appraisal, eds., Edward Norbeek, Douglas Price-Willliams, and
William M. McCord, New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Corer, Geoffrey
1964 The American People: A Study in National Character.
New York, W. W. Norton and Company.
Henry, Jules
1963 Culture Against Man. New York, Random House.
Hoehel, E. Adanssoa
1966 Anthropology: The Study of Man. New York, McGraw-Hill Book Company.
Homey, Karen
1937 The Neurotic Personality of Our Tune. New York, W. W. Norton and
Company.
Houston, Jean
1965 Pysico-Chemistry and the Religious Consciousness.
International Philosophical Quarterly, 5:397-413.
James, William
1958 The Varieties of Religious Experience. New York, The New
American Library.
Jennings, George J.
1967 Some Comments on the Soul as Developed in Orthodox Christianity. Journal of the American Scientific Affiliation 19:7-11.
1968 An Ethnological Study of Glossolalia. Journal of the American Scientific
Affiliation 20:516.
Jung, Carl C. (trans. by W. S. Dell and Cary F. Baynes)
1933 Modern Man in Search of a Soul. New York, Harcourt, Brace and World.
Klockhohn, Clyde
1957 Mirror For Man: A Survey of Human Behavior and
Social Attitudes. New York, Fawcett Publications,
Krich, Aron (ed.)
1960 The Anatomy of Love. New York, Dell Publishing Company.
Krober, A. L. and Clyde Kloekhohn
1963 Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. New York, Random House.
Kurland, Albert A., et. al.
1967 The Therapeutic Potential of LSD in Medicine. In LSD, Man and
Society, eds.,
B, C. DeBold and B. C. Leaf, Middletown, Conn., Wesleyan University Press.
Lebarre, Weston
1938 The Peyote Cult. New Haven, Conn., Yale University Press.
Lessa, William A., and Evon Z. Vogt (eds.)
1965 Reader in Comparative Religion: An Anthropological
Approach. New York, Harper and Row.
Linton, Ralph
1956 Culture and Mental Disorders. Springfield, Ill.,
Charles C. Thomas.
Louria, Donald B.
1967 The Abuse of LSD. In LSD, Man and Society, eds.,
B. C. DeBold and H. C. Leaf. Middletown, Coon., Wesleyan University Press,
Lowie, Robert H.
1956 The Crow Indians. New York, Rinehart and Company.
1963 Religion in Human Life. American Anthropologist
65:532-542.
Maudelbaum, David C.
1965 Alcohol and Culture. Current Anthropology
6:281293.
Marcuse, Herbert
1962 Eros and Civilization: A Philosophical Inquiry into Freud. New York, Random House,
Masters, II. E. L.
1962 Eros and Evil: The Sexual Psychopathology of Witchcraft. New York, Julian Press.
Masters, R. E. L. and Jean Houston
1966 The Varieties of Psychedelic Experience. New York,
Holt, Rinehart and Winston,
O'Donnell, John A.
1966 Narcotic Adiction and Crime. Social Problems 13:374
385.
O'Donnell, John A., and John C. Ball (eds.)
1966 Narcotic Adiction. New York, Harper and Row.
Pollard, John C., and Leonard Uhr, and Elizabeth Stern
1965 Drugs and Phantasy: The Effects of LSD, Psilacybin,
and Sernyl on College Students. Boston, Little, Brown and Company.
Raab, Earl, and Gertrnde J. Selzoick
1964 Major Social Problems. New York, Harper and Row.
Schur, Edwin NI.
1962 Narcotic Addiction in Britain and America : The Impact of
Public Policy.
Bloomington, Ind., Indiana University Press.
Slotkin, J. S.
1956 The Peyote Religion: A Study in Indian-White Relations. Cleocoe, Ill., The Free Press.
Sorokin, Pitirim A.
1941 The Crisis of Our Age. New York, F. P. Dotton and Company.
Spicer, Edward H. (ed.)
1952 Manman Problems in Technological Change. New York, Russell Sage
Foundation.
Tonrnier, Paul (trans by Edwin Hudson)
1957 The Meaning of Persons. New York, Harper and Brothers.
Uhr, Leonard, and James C. Miller (eds.)
1969 Drugs and Behavior. New York, John Wiley and Sons.
Walton, Walter P.
1938 Marihuana: America's New Drug Problem. Philadelphia, J. B.
Lippincott Company.
Zimmerman, Carle C.
1947 Family and Civilization. New York, Harper and Row.